Italian Socialist Party

The Italian Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Italiano, PSI) was a socialist and then social democratic political party founded in Genoa in 1892. For many years it was the most important leftist party in Italy, but after World War II it was partially replaced by the Italian Communist Party. After being involved in the Bribeville scandal, it passed through a crisis that brought it to dissolution in 1994.

From the birth to World War I

The Italian Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Italiano, PSI) was founded in 1892 in Genoa by delegates of several workers' associations (among others Filippo Turati), while Italy became, although quite slowly, an industrialized country. During its first years, the party suffered various forms of persecution by the government. With the first years of 20th century the Socialist Party, whose electoral results were better and better, choose to support the government led by Giolitti, but PSI was still divided into two major tendencies, the reformists (led by Turati and strong mostly in the unions and in the parliamentary group) and the maximalists (led among others by Benito Mussolini, and its action was often confused. In 1912 the maximalists won a Party convention, and expelled the right wing, but PSI remaimed inert before the violences of Nationalists when the war outbroke. Unlike other European Socialist Party, PSI was always pacifist (and Mussolini, became interventionist, was threw out), but never accepted Lenin opinions of transforming the "imperialist war" in a civil war (revolution).

After World War I

During the fascist years, it was exiled; however, it never dispersed. Then it came back to stand for Italy's first elections after World War II. During the 1960s and 1970s, although repeatedly taking part from the government, PSI lost much of its consesus. The Italian Communist Party (PCI) markedly replaced it as the strongest esponent of the left. In 1963 a coalition was formed with the Italian Socialist Democratic Party (PSDI), called Unified Socialist Party (PSU); this, however, was disbanded after the dismaying result at the 1968 elections, in which PSU took far less than what the two parties had obtained separatedly in 1963. At the elections of 1972, PSI's decline steeped, receiving less than 10%, compared to 14.5% of 1958. In 1976, however, Bettino Craxi was elected as the new Secretary of the party. He initiated a plan of innovation and credibility.

During 1976-1983, Craxi tried to undermine the PCI (which was continuously gaining more and more votes in elections) by creating the 'Pentapartito': an alliance of DC, PSI, PRI (Italian Republican Party), PSDI (Italian Democratic Socialist Party), PLI (Italian Liberal Party). On the other hand to undermine the strong Christian Democracy (DC), he propsed an alternative to the out-dated governments of DC. His first plan, the Pentapartito, had much success, while his alternative remained unheard. At the elections of 1983, however, the Christian Democracy got a mere 32%, compared to the 38% gained in 1979, which the group needed help forming a majority in Parliament. The PSI, which had gained 11%, threatened to leave the Pentapartito unless Craxi became President of the Council (Prime Minister). The DC had to give in because it did not want fresh elections prediciting worser results. Therefore, Bettino Craxi was the first Socialist to become President of the Council.

"Golden years"

Craxi's position was not to last only one year, as many Italian governments had done. Instead, it lasted three and a half years. His position was further helped by the President of the Republic Sandro Pertini, who was a member of the PSI. During Craxi's presidency, the PSI gained popularity. His successes in office, like the boost of the economy, brought the GNP to an high level. He also lowered the inflation. The undermining of the USA during the Sigonella Affair, showed Italy's independence and nationalism. All of these gains were attributed to the reforms which the PSI had long wanted to initiate. The PSI looked like the bulk of reforms within the old-dated DC-PRI-PLI-PSDI alliance. Craxi, however, lost his post in March, 1987 due to a conflict over the proposed budget for 1987 with the Pentapartito.

The end of the legislature, however, was 1988, and Craxi allowed a DC esponent to get the reins of the government. Amintore Fanfani (president for 11 days) was left alone after the PSI went out of the Pentapartito. In the years 1987-1992, the PSI was to throw three governments, allowing Andreotti in 1989 to govern until 1992. It held a strong balance of power, which made it de facto, more powerful than the DC. The DC had to depend on it to form a majority in Parliament, and the PSI kept this privilege tight.

At the elections of 1987, the PSI got 14.5%, but this time it was the Christian Democrats turn to govern the country (obviously with the needed support of PSI). However, PSI created such an insitutional confusion by not allowing governments to govern for more then 11 months, which eventually created an economic crisis. During the regional elections of 1989, the PSI gained 18% in most regions. The Social Unity advertised by Craxi in 1989 was bringing fruits, the alternative which Craxi had wanted so much. It was inevitably going to come after the end of communism, which underminded the Italian Communist Party. By 1985, Craxi had taken the symbol of communism off the PSI logo, and replaced it with a rose. If Bribeville hadn't taken place, the PSI was going to become the second party of Italy. The advantage of Socialists in taking public money and bribes during the 80s was finally going to end, and with it the PSI.

Decline

In February 1992, socialist Mario Chiesa was caught taking a 7 million lira bribe, which was only 7% of the total bribe. The PSI, or more likely Bettino Craxi, did not see this as dangerous and renounced Chiesa by calling him an isolated thief, who had nothing to do with the party as a whole. Later on, the personal photographer of Bettino Craxi blamed Craxi for not making Chiesa a deputy in Parliament (since he would have then possessed Parliamentary immunity) and the 'Bribeville' (tangentopoli) affair would have been avoided. Feeling left out and isolated, Chiesa gave names of high industrials and important local politicians. The magistrates in the Palace of Justice in Milan worked day and night, in the case which is known as Mani pulite (Clean Hands).

Things quickly ran out of hands. In May, 1992 the socialist deputy Paolo Pilliterri (brother-in-law of Craxi), received 'Avviso di Garanzia', a letter informing him he was under investigations. Public opinion started a fierce campaign against corruption and gave the magistrates unconditional support. Craxi himself was to receive one of those letters in December, 1992. Parliament, however, had to give authorization to the magistrates to continue the investigation, although in April 1993, Parliament denied for the 4th time such authorization. Italian newspapers shouted 'scandal', and Craxi was besieged at his Roman residence by a crowd of young fascists, who threw coins at him and shouted 'Bettino do you want these as well'. This scene was to become one of the many symbols of corruption within the Italian political scene.

Craxi resigned as Party Secretary in Febraury 1993. Many other important leaders left the party, such as Claudio Martelli, Gianni De Michelis and Paolo Pillitteri. During 1992-1993, 3 Socialist deputies committed suicide and stated before dying 'the veil of hypocrisy which had covered the wrongdoings concerning financing their party'

At the administrative and communal elections, the PSI was virtually wiped out, gaining around 3%. That was just the start. The last secretary of the PSI Ottaviano Del Turco tried, in vain, to gain credibility to a party whose members were called 'thieves' in Parliament and in the media. Giuliano Amato, a socialist and a close friend of Bettino Craxi, resigned as Prime Minister in 1993. After his government, there was a technocratic government, which lasted until 1994. In the general elections of 1994, the PSI allied itself with the ex-communists (since the new electoral system made a two-bloc system flourish). Its result were bad, but not surprising. In 1992, the PSI had 92 deputies in Parliament; the number of deputies it had following the 1994 elections were only 14 (partly thanks to the new electoral system). The 13.5% of the popular vote they had obtained in 1992 went down to 2.5% in 1994.

The party disbanded in 1994 after two years of agony, in which almost all of its longtime leaders, especially Bettino Craxi, were involved in Tangentopoli. So ended the party, partly thanks to its leaders, which had 100 years of history. As one former socialist Rino Formica stated, 'the convent is poor but the friars are rich,' metaphorically symbolizing the richness of the leaders of a party which complained of its enormous debt.

=Craxi's successors==Since then, many minor formations claimed to be the party's successor. Among them were the Italian Democratic Socialists, which was founded by a former 'honest' socialist Enrico Boselli. The Italian Democratic Socialists, however, gained only around 1% at General Elections. Its more direct successor is the Socialist Party New PSI, founded by Gianni De Michelis (former socialist and currupt figure in Tangentopoli), Claudio Martelli (the dauphin of Bettino Craxi, and former currupt figure in Tangentopoli), and by the son of Bettino Craxi, Bobo Craxi. The Socialist Party New PSI is more idealogical attached to the former Bettino Craxi and is allied in the centre-right coalition headed by the former friend of Bettino Craxi, Silvio Berlusconi. None of them, however, have yet arrived to the same point that PSI did at the height of its power.

External link

* Archive of PSI posters