Mexican American
The
ethnonym Mexican American is the usual term of self description for people with strong ties to both the
United States of America and
Mexico. It describes both United States citizens of Mexican ancestry (14 million in 2003) and Mexican citizens who reside in the United States (10 million in 2003). According to the
Pew Hispanic Center, in mid-2001, an additional 4.5 million Mexicans were residing illegally in the United States. Mexican Americans account for 64% of the
Hispanic or
Latino population of the
United States. Settlement concentration is overwhelmingly in the
Southwestern part of the
United States. However, there are isolated concentration of Mexican-Americans near the
Chicago area and in mostly
rural areas in
Florida and
North Carolina. Growing populations also are present in other parts of the rural
Southeastern United States, in states such as
Georgia,
Tennessee,
Alabama and
Arkansas in addition to the
upper Midwest. A growing population also is present in urban areas such as
New York City. However, Mexican American citizens reside throughout the entire US.
The
economy of the United States has long needed
service workers,
manufacturing workers,
farm laborers, and skilled
artisans. Mexican workers have usually met those demands for cheap labor. However, fear of detection and
deportation keep many
illegal immigrant workers from taking advantage of
social welfare programs as well as interaction with public authorities and makes them highly vulnerable to exploitation by employers. Some employers, however, over the last decade, have developed a "don't ask, don't tell" attitude, indicating a greater comfort or casual approach toward hiring ethnic Mexican residents.
In U.S. states where Mexican Americans make up a significant percentage of the population, such as
California and
Texas, Mexican Americans almost exclusively occupy most
blue-collar occupations, such as restaurant workers, janitors, truck drivers, gardeners, construction laborers, material moving workers, and other manual labor. In many of these places with large
Latino populations, blue-collar workers are often assumed to be Mexican Americans because of their dominance in those occupations. Occasionally, tensions have risen between Mexican immigrants and other ethnic groups because of increasing concerns over the availability of working-class jobs to non-Hispanic ethnic groups. However, tensions have also risen among Mexican American laborers who have been displaced as a result of both cheap Mexican labor and racial profiling.
Social mobility
The
U.S. Census finds increases in average personal and household incomes for Mexican Americans, among all Latinos in the early 2000s. U.S. born Mexican Americans earn more and are represented more in the middle and upper-class segments than most recently arrived Mexican immigrants. It should be noted, however, that Mexican Americans are not well represented in the professions. Some have argued that this precipitates the need for affirmative action for Hispanics in general and Mexicans in particular. Time will tell whether Mexican immigrants and second-generation children will advance upward in the socioeconomic ladder.
Mexican Americans and Race
Mexican Americans have held different forms of status at different times throughout the history of the United States, and during most times of the history of the United States, Mexicans have been considered racially non-White. Mexicans are largely considered non-white today, however according to the U.S. Census criteria and other governmental legal construction they are "legally" white
[ Ian F. Haney-Lopez, white by Law: The Legal Construction of Race (New York: New York University, 1996), Appendix "A". ] and in the last U.S census around half of them self-checked the box for white (in addition to stating their Hispanic national origin), though it is very possible that some who checked that box also had partial non-white ancestry.
Despite their legal status today as white, and even their claim to a partial European heritage (see
Mestizo), most Mexican Americans are seen as socially and racially non-White. Given that many Mexican-Americans with complete or predominant European features are not seen or even realized to be "of a Mexican type", they are looked over as being simply White Americans- lowering the identifiable number of white Mexican Americans. This is the case with other White Hispanics. Many Mexicans view themselves as distinctly non-white and proudly claim direct descent from amerindians, most commonly the
Aztecs and
Mayans. The Mexican flag contains the emblem-shield symbolizing Aztec heritage and was inspired by an Aztec legend regarding the founding of
Tenochtitlan.
http://www.flagfocus.info/worldflags-large/flag-Mexico-detail-lg.gif http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flag_of_mexico.
The 1930 U.S. census form asked for "color or race." The 1930 census enumerators were given these instructions: "write 'W' for White; 'Mex for Mexican
http://www.genealogybranches.com/1930census.html, but from 1940 to the latter part of the century the instructions were: Mexicans.-Report "white" (W) for Mexicans unless they are definitely of Indian or other nonwhite race.
http://www.rci.rutgers.edu/~vbashi/soc108-handout-census.htmDuring the
Great Depression, Mexicans were not considered white. Anywhere from one to two million people were deported in a decade-long effort by the government to free up jobs for those who were considered "real Americans" and rid the county governments of "the problem." The campaign, called the "Mexican Repatriation", was authorized by President [Herbert Hoover] and it targeted areas with large Hispanic populations, mostly in California, Colorado, New Mexico, Texas, Illinois and Michigan. Although President Franklin Roosevelt] ended federal support when he took office, many state and local governments continued with their efforts. It left festering emotional wounds that for many have not healed. Estimates now indicate that approximately 60 percent of the people deported were children who were born in America and others who, while of Mexican descent, were legal citizens. Many of these people returned to the United States during the labor shortages of World War II. But racial animousity continued to a point racial violence against Mexican Americans took place, like in
Los Angeles,June 1943.
They were sometimes permitted to intermarry with whites; were sometimes allowed to get citizenship upon arrival; served in all-white units during the Second World War (unlike blacks and Japanese); could sometimes vote and hold elected office in places such as Texas, especially San Antonio but found their rights restricted according to the social mores of the time; ran the state politics and elite of New Mexico since colonial times; and went to integrated schools in Central Texas and Los Angeles but were restricted to segregated schools throughout much of south Texas and California. Asians were not allowed to marry Mexican Americans in California, because of the white status sometimes held by Mexicans.Even when legally white, many Mexican Americans do have a
mestizo heritage, a mixture of European and Amerindian. Together with the white population of Mexico, these mestizos constitute more than 70% of the country of Mexico, the rest being purely Amerindian and 1% other. Time will tell what racial category Mexican Americans will be placed. Some Mexican Americans in the
La Raza and
Chicano movements speak of "brown power" which makes reference to the hispanic indian heritage.
The turnout among Mexican Americans is low (less than 40% vote). Of those who vote, large majorities vote for Democratic candidates in most states except Texas (where the Democrats win narrowly). In the 2004 presidential election, in the western states,
exit polls showed that "Latinos" (nearly all Mexican Americans) comprised 13% of all voters. They split 39% for Bush and 58% for Kerry. In California alone they comprised 21% of the voters and split 32% for Bush and 63% for Kerry. However in Texas where the Republicans made a strong appeal, they comprised 20% of the voters and split 49% for Bush and 51% for Kerry. Senator
Octaviano Ambrosio Larrazolo, elected in New Mexico in 1928, was the first Hispanic to be elected to the United States Senate;
Ken Salazar, Democrat of Colorado in 2004 became the first in recent decades. Both men came from old Hispanic families and neither was a product of the 20th century immigration. Traditional Mexican communities take conservative positions on social issues such as
abortion and
homosexuality, and show strong loyalties to the traditional version of the
Roman Catholic Church, though there is a growing evangelical Protestant group. Under George W. Bush the Republican Party is trying to make inroads with Mexican American voters, but a strong nativist undercurrent in the GOP is making Bush's efforts controversial in his party. The
LULAC is an important political organization for Mexican Americans, though it also represents other Hispanic Americans as well.
In 1999, California voters elected
Cruz Bustamente as the state's first Hispanic/ Mexican American lieutenant governor since 1877. Re-elected with running mate state Governor Gray Davis in 2003, Bustamente lost to Arnold Schwarzenegger in the 2003 statewide recall election.
Last year,
Antonio Villaraigosa became
Los Angeles' first mayor of Hispanic/Mexican American descent since 1871. His style in the tight election campaign earned Villaraigosa a place in city hall, and his wildly optimistic speeches has energized the city's racially diverse voter base.
The proximity of the two countries, a continuous influx of new arrivals, concentration in predominantly Mexican
barrios and
colonias and
Spanish-language media enable Mexican immigrants to maintain ties with relatives in Mexico and the Spanish language to a degree not possible for other immigrant groups with their respective countries of origin and
native tongues. While there are subtle differences in the Spanish language depending on the country of origin, the Spanish language binds many Latin American immigrants together.
The trans-nationalism and biculturalism of many Mexican Americans in the four border states indicate the ethnic group has little interest in abandonment of Mexican cultural heritage and a strong loyalty to American society. This has led to controversies starting in the late 20th century and continuing to this day about Mexican Americans and assimilation. Some are appreciative of the new cultural contributions Mexicans are making (e.g. food, music), but want Mexicans to learn how to speak English fluently, use English in public, and abandon their political affiliations with Mexico. Others believe Mexicans must abandon most of their cultural heritage in order to be considered "Americans." Some Mexican Americans want to continue to preserve and pursue bilingualism, observance of Mexican customs and dual identity. Historically, the experience of other immigrant groups has proven that assimilation is inevitable, especially in terms of language. Since Universities, the business establishment and the professions conduct their business in English, knowledge of the English language is absolutely necessary if one wants to move up the social and economic ladder. Indeed, studies show that by the third generation, 2/3rds of all Mexican Americans will only speak English at home. Also, while the proximity of Mexico may allow for broader social contact between Mexican Americans and Mexico, it should also be noted that the United States is a globalized country where interaction with the mainstream is inevitable for those who desire upward mobility. Whereas in 18th and 19th centuries, certain groups (e.g. Germanias), could form pocket communities and prosper, today's interdependent society does not allow that to happen. Granted, Mexican Americans may choose, or be forced through discrimination, not to want to pursue upward mobility, in which case assimilation even on a basic level (language) may not be desirable. Of course, only time will tell if Mexican Americans, like virtually every other immigrant group in American history, will assimilate into the American mainstream, either in terms of language and political affiliation, or American culture in general.
Music
Tejano music is a unique musical style developed by Mexican Americans in
Texas. Tejano is a blend of traditional Mexican forms such as the
corrido and
Continental European styles introduced by
German and
Czech settlers with modern forms of rock, jazz, and classical.
Lalo Guerrero was known as the father of Chicano Music and
Selena the queen of Tex-Mex or Tejano Music. Rock music has had its share of Mexican American artists,
Vikki Carr,
Los Lobos,
Richie Valens,
War,
Tierra,
The Iguanas,
Ha*Ash,
Jaci Velasquez,
Suzanne Vega,
Linda Ronstadt,
Santana,
The Plugz,
Los Cruzados,
Los Lonely Boys, and
Bobby Pulido, to name a few.
Theater, film, and television
George Lopez,
Victoria Wyndham,
Eva Longoria,
Jessica Alba,
Charisma Carpenter,
Edward James Olmos,
Salma Hayek,
Ricardo Montalban,
Jay Hernandez,
Alexis Bledel,
Sara Paxton,
Linda Carter,
Joanna Kerns, Maricella Ibarra, Richard Montoya and
Anthony Quinn are some of the notable American actors with Mexican heritage.
In Mexican American communities across the U.S. there are movie theaters that offer a variety of Spanish-language movies from Mexico and Latin America.
Visual art
Chicano Art, is noted for the folk influences from Mexico, characterized by vibrant colors and striking imagery. Artist
John August Swanson is a painter whose art reflects these influences.
Cartoonist
Lalo Alcaraz's work reflects the Chicano consciousness and expresses it in his editorial cartoons.
Painter Gilbert "Mag" Lujan paints murals and cars depicting whimsical scenes from urban Latino life.
Surrealist painter
Gronk is a well known artist and illustrator, and was a member of the pioneering performance art troup
Asco in the 1960s-1970
Literature
There is a depth of literature in this community. Authors like
Tomás Rivera exemplify the field. Author and poet
Gary Soto's published works are frequently studied in American
public schools.
In 1970, a groundbreaking autobiography and political novel,
Chicano, written by journalist
Richard Vasquez, looks at the cultural history, political issues and personal problems of Mexican Americans of the 1960s.
Many
Mexican American writers fall into the Indigenismo and Americanismo schools.
Main article: History of Mexican-Americans
Between 1845 and 1854, the United States acquired half of the territory of Mexico. Eighty thousand Mexicans lived in these
annexed areas at the time. These new Mexican Americans often worked as railroad crew, general laborers, ranch hands, farm workers,
farmers,
domestic servants and
laundresses.
During the
Great Depression, the
Repatriation Movement caused much hardship for Mexican Americans. After
World War II ended, the
Bracero Program was soon introduced. This program made it easier for Mexicans to come to the United States, but it often lead them to be exploited by their employers.
César Chávez lobbied to end the Bracero Program. Later he helped found the
United Farm Workers movement.
According to
Andrés Manuel López Obrador,
mayor of Mexico City, the main reason there have not been bursts of
social unrest in Mexico is due to Mexican migration to the United States. Mexico has been the single largest contributor of immigrants to the U.S. At least four million Mexicans immigrated to the United States in the
1980s: 45% of the nine million
immigrants who entered the country. During the 1990s, approximately five million Mexicans immigrated to the United States. In 2000, Mexican immigration is estimated to have been 350,000 and the most recent estimate (2004) is 500,000 per year.
Neighborhoods in many cities across America have developed significant and/or growing Mexican American populations. A few of these neighborhoods are:
* East Los Angeles,
Los Angeles,
California* South Central,
Los Angeles,
California* Pico Union,
Los Angeles,
California*
Mission District,
San Francisco*
Santa Ana, California and
Orange County, California* South Gate,
Los Angeles,
California*
El Monte,
Los Angeles, California * Norwalk,
Los Angeles, California *
Pomona,
Los Angeles, California* Long Beach
Los Angeles, California* Huntington Park
Los Angeles, California*
Pilsen,
Chicago*
Mexicantown,
Detroit,
Michigan*
San Antonio, Texas* Long Point,
Houston,
Texas* Bellaire/Bissonnet,
Houston,
Texas* Pasadena,
Houston, Texas and
South Houston, Texas* Harrisburg,
Houston,
Texas* Logan Square,
San Diego, California* City Heights,
San Diego, CaliforniaRegions with large Mexican American populations across America.
*
Tucson, Arizona and
Pima County, Arizona*
Guadalupe, Arizona and
Phoenix, Arizona *
San Jose, California*
Fresno, California *
Madera County, California*
Kings County, California and
Tulare County, California*
Bakersfield, California and
Kern County, California*
Monterey County, California and
San Benito County, California*
Denver, Colorado*
Pueblo, Colorado*
San Luis Valley,
Colorado *
El Paso, Texas*
Rio Grande Valley,
Texas Smaller communities with large Mexican American populations across America.
*
Riverside County and
San Bernardino County,
California*
Indio, California and neighboring
Coachella, California*
Imperial County or
Imperial Valley,
California*
Crystal City, Texas*
Victoria, Texas*
Alice, Texas *
Laredo, Texas*
Fabens, Texas*
Eagle Pass, Texas *
Las Cruces, New Mexico*
Columbus, New Mexico*
Nogales, Arizona *
San Luis, Arizona*
Las Animas, Colorado *
Trinidad, Colorado*
McAllen, Texas*
San Benito, Texas*
Harlingen, Texas *
Brownsville, Texas*
Passaic, New Jersey* Chavez, Linda.
Out of the Barrio: Toward a New Politics of Hispanic Assimilation Basic Books, (1991)
* De La Garza, Rodolfo O., Martha Menchaca, Louis DeSipio.
Barrio Ballots: Latino Politics in the 1990 Elections (1994)
* De la Garza, Rodolfo O.
Awash in the Mainstream: Latino Politics in the 1996 Elections (1999)
* De la Garza, Rodolfo O., and Louis Desipio.
Ethnic Ironies: Latino Politics in the 1992 Elections (1996)
* De la Garza, Rodolfo O. Et al.
Latino Voices: Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cuban Perspectives on American Politics (1992)
* Arnoldo De León,
Mexican Americans in Texas: A Brief History, 2nd ed. (1999)
* Erlinda Gonzales-Berry, David R. Maciel, editors,
The Contested Homeland: A Chicano History of New Mexico 2000, ISBN 0826321992
* Nancie L. González;
The Spanish-Americans of New Mexico: A Heritage of Pride (1969)
* Hero, Rodney E.
Latinos and the U.S. Political System: Two-Tiered Pluralism. (1992)
* Garcia, F. Chris.
Latinos and the Political System. (1988)
* David Montejano,
Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836-1986 (1987)
* Pachon, Harry and Louis Desipio.
New Americans by Choice: Political Perspectives of Latino Immigrants. (1994)
* Rosales, Francisco A.,
Chicano!: The history of the Mexican American civil rights movement. (1997). ISBN 1558852018
* Smith, Robert Courtney.
Mexican New York: Transnational Lives of New Immigrants (2005), links with old village, based on interviews
* Suárez-Orozco, Marcelo M. And Mariela M. Páez.
Latinos: Remaking America. (2002)
*Villarreal, Roberto E., and Norma G. Hernandez.
Latinos and Political Coalitions: Political Empowerment for the 1990s (1991)
*
¡Ask a Mexican!*
Aztlán*
Chicano*
Hispanic*
Latino*
La raza*
Colegio Cesar Chavez*
List of Mexican Americans