Radicalism (historical)
For opposition to all forms of government, social hierarchy or authority, see Anarchism. For other meanings see also radical, extremism, far-right and far-left. Radicalism as a political movement should be distinguished from the modern American usage of radical merely to denote political extremes of right or left.The term
Radical (
latin radix meaning root) was used from the late
18th century for proponents of the
Radical Movement and has since been used as a label in
political science for those favouring or trying to produce thoroughgoing political reforms which can include changes to the social order to a greater or lesser extent. Historically, early radical aims of liberty and
electoral reform in
Great Britain widened with the
American Revolution and
French Revolution so that some
radicals sought
republicanism, abolition of titles, redistribution of
property and
freedom of the press. In
France in the nineteenth century, Radicalism was closely associated with
Republicanism and
anti-clericalism. Initially identifying itself as a
far left party opposed to the liberal
Orleanists, the
Legitimists and the
Bonapartists, the
Republican, Radical and Radical-Socialist Party progressively became the most important party of the
Third Republic (1871-1940). Historical
Radicalism became absorbed in the development of political
liberalism, and in the later
19th century in both the
United Kingdom and continental
Europe the term Radical came to denote a progressive liberal ideology.
According to
Britannica the first use of the word "Radical" in a political sense is generally ascribed by to the English
whig parliamentarian
Charles James Fox who, in
1797, declared for a "radical reform" of the
electoral system drastically expanding the franchise to the point of universal manhood suffrage, leading to general use of the term for all supporting the movement for parliamentary reform. While the
Britannica biography of Fox mentions his dismissal from the
Privy Council in
1798 for reaffirming in a public speech the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people, it makes no mention of the declaration. It makes it clear that Fox was no democrat, would never have countenanced the notion that property would be safe in a democratic society in which the propertyless voters would obviously be in a majority. It states his view as being that property was the true foundation of aristocracy, and a country best prospered whose government was in such hands. These sentiments appear to be at odds with the Radical cause, but at this time parliament operated on shifting patronage rather than party lines, and Fox was noted for inconsistencies.
The word was first used in a political sense in
18th century Great Britain. Initially confined to upper and middle classes, in the early
19th century "popular radicals" brought
artisans and the "labouring classes" into widespread agitation in the face of harsh government repression. More respectable "Philosophical radicals" followed the
utilitarian philosophy of
Jeremy Bentham and strongly supported parliamentary reform, but were generally hostile to the arguments and tactics of the"popular radicals". By the middle of the century
parliamentary Radicals joined with others in the
United Kingdom parliament to form the
Liberals, eventually achieving reform of the
electoral system.
Origins
The Radical movement had its beginnings at a time of tension between the American colonies and
Great Britain, with the first Radicals, angry at the state of the
House of Commons, drawing on the
Leveller tradition and similarly demanding improved parliamentary representation. These earlier concepts of democratic and even egalitarian reform had emerged in the turmoil of the
English Civil War and the brief establishment of the
republican
Commonwealth of England amongst the vague political grouping known as the
Levellers, particularly in the
Diggers, but with the
English Restoration of the monarchy such ideas had been discredited. Although the
Glorious Revolution of
1688 had increased parliamentary power with a
constitutional monarchy and the
union of the parliaments brought
England and
Scotland together, towards the end of the
18th century the monarch still had considerable influence over the
Parliament of Great Britain which itself was dominated by the English aristocracy and by patronage. Candidates for the House of Commons stood as
Whigs or
Tories, but once elected formed shifting coalitions of interests rather than splitting along party lines. At
general elections the vote was restricted to property owners, in constituencies which were out of date and did not reflect the growing importance of manufacturing towns or shifts of population, so that in many
rotten boroughs seats could be bought or were controlled by rich landowners, while major cities remained unrepresented. Discontent with these inequities inspired those individuals who later became known as the "
Radical Whigs".
William Beckford fostered early interest in reform in the
London area. The "
Middlesex radicals" were led by the politician
John Wilkes, an opponent of war with the colonies who started his weekly publication
The North Briton in
1764 and within two years had been charged with
seditious libel and expelled from the House of Commons. The
Society for the Defence of the Bill of Rights he started in
1769 to support his re-election developed the belief that every man had the right to vote and "natural reason" enabling him to properly judge political issues. Liberty consisted in frequent elections. For the first time middle-class radicals obtained the backing of the London "mob". Middlesex and
Westminster were among the few parliamentary constituencies with a large and socially diverse electorate including many
artisans as well as the middle class and aristocracy, and along with the county association of
Yorkshire led by the Reverend
Christopher Wyvill were at the forefront of reform activity. The writings of what became known as the "
Radical Whigs" had an influence on the
American Revolution.
Major John Cartwright also supported the colonists, even as the
American Revolutionary War began, and in
1776 earned the title of the "Father of Reform" when he published his pamphlet
Take Your Choice! advocating annual parliaments, the secret ballot and manhood
suffrage.
In
1780 a draft programme of reform was drawn up by
Charles James Fox and
Thomas Brand Hollis, and put forward by a sub-committee of the electors of Westminster. This included calls for the six points later adopted in the
People's Charter (see
Chartists below).
The
American Revolutionary War ended in humiliating defeat of a policy which King
George III had fervently advocated, and in March
1782 the King was forced to appoint an administration led by his opponents which sought to curb Royal patronage. In November
1783 he took his opportunity and used his influence in the
House of Lords to defeat a Bill to reform the
British East India Company, dismissed the government and appointed
William Pitt the Younger as his Prime Minister. Pitt had previously called for Parliament to begin to reform itself, but he did not press for long for reforms the King did not like. Proposals Pitt made in April
1785 to redistribute seats from the "
rotten boroughs" to London and the counties were defeated in the House of Commons by 248 votes to 174.
Popular agitation
In the wake of the
French Revolution,
Thomas Paine's
The Rights of Man (1791), written as a response to
Burke's
counterrevolutionary essay
Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790), encouraged mass support for democratic reform along with rejection of the monarchy, aristocracy, and all forms of privilege. Different strands of the movement developed, with middle class "reformers" aiming to widen the franchise to represent commercial and industrial interests and towns without parliamentary representation, while "Popular radicals" drawn from the middle class and from
artisans agitated to assert wider rights including relieving distress. The theoretical basis for electoral reform was provided by "Philosophical radicals" who followed the
utilitarian philosophy of
Jeremy Bentham and strongly supported parliamentary reform, but were generally hostile to the arguments and tactics of the "popular radicals".
Popular Radicals were quick to go further than Paine, with
Newcastle schoolmaster
Thomas Spence demanding land nationalisation to redistribute wealth in a penny periodical he called
Pig's Meat in a reference to
Edmund Burke's phrase "the swinish multitude". Radical organisations sprang up, such as the
London Corresponding Society of artisans formed in January
1792 under the leadership of the shoemaker
Thomas Hardy to call for the vote. One such was the
Scottish Friends of the People society which in October
1793 held a
British Convention in
Edinburgh with delegates from some of the English
corresponding societies. They issued a manifesto demanding universal male suffrage with annual elections and expressing their support for the principles of the French Revolution. The numbers involved in these movements were small, and most wanted reform rather than revolution, but for the first time working men were organising for political change.
The government reacted harshly, imprisoning leading Scottish radicals, temporarily suspending
habeas corpus in England and passing laws prohibiting public meetings and demonstrations. Throughout the
Napoleonic Wars the government took extensive stern measures against feared domestic unrest. The corresponding societies ended, but some radicals continued in secret, with Irish sympathisers in particular forming secret societies to overturn the government and encourage mutinies. In
1812 Major John Cartwright formed the first
Hampden Club, named after the
English Civil War Parliamentary leader
John Hampden, aiming to bring together middle class moderates and lower class radicals.
After the Napoleonic Wars, the
Corn laws (in force between 1815 and 1846) and bad harvests fostered discontent. The publications of
William Cobbett were influential, and at political meetings speakers like
Henry Hunt complained that only three men in a hundred had the vote. Writers like the radicals
William Hone and
Thomas Jonathan Wooler spread dissent with publications such as
The Black Dwarf in defiance of a series of government acts to curb circulation of political literature. Radical riots in
1816 and
1817 were followed by the
Peterloo massacre of
1819 publicised by
Richard Carlile who then continued to fight for press freedom from prison. The
Six Acts of
1819 limited the right to demonstrate or hold public meetings. In Scotland agitation over three years culminated in an attempted general strike and abortive workers' uprising crushed by government troops in the "
Radical War" of
1820. Magistrates powers were increased to crush demonstrations by manufacturers and action by radical
Luddites.
To counter the established
Church of England doctrine that the aristocratic social order was divinely ordained, radicals supported
Lamarckian Evolutionism, a theme proclaimed by street corner agitators as well as some established scientists such as
Robert Edmund Grant.
Political reform
Economic conditions improved after
1821 and the
United Kingdom government made economic and criminal law improvements, abandoning policies of repression. In
1823 Jeremy Bentham co-founded the
Westminster Review with
John Stuart Mill as a journal for "philosophical radicals", setting out the
utilitarian philosophy that right actions were to be measured in proportion to the greatest good they achieved for the greatest number.
Westminster elected two radicals to Parliament during the
1820s.
The
Whigs gained power and despite defeats in the
House of Commons and the
House of Lords the
Reform Act 1832 was put through with the support of public outcry, mass meetings of "political unions" and riots in some cities. This now enfranchised the middle classes, but failed to meed radical demands. The Whigs introduced reforming measures owing much to the ideas of the philosophic radicals, abolishing slavery and in
1834 introducing
Malthusian Poor Law reforms which were bitterly opposed by "popular radicals" and writers like
Thomas Carlyle. Following the
1832 Reform Act the mainly aristocratic Whigs in the House of Commons were joined by a small number of
parliamentary Radicals, as well as an increased number of middle class Whigs. By
1839 they were informally being called "the
Liberal party."
Chartists
From
1836 working class Radicals unified around the
Chartist cause of electoral reform expressed in the
People's Charter drawn up by six members of Parliament and six from the
London Working Men's Association (associated with
Owenite Utopian socialism), which called for six points:
Universal suffrage, equal-sized
electoral districts,
secret ballot, an end to property qualification for Parliament, pay for Members of Parliament and Annual Parliaments. Chartists also expressed economic grievances, but their mass demonstrations and petitions to parliament were unsuccessful.
Despite initial disagreements, after their failure their cause was taken up by the middle class
Anti-Corn Law League founded by
Richard Cobden and
John Bright in
1839 to oppose duties on imported grain which raised the price of food and so helped landowners at the expense of ordinary people.
Liberal reforms
The
parliamentary Radicals joined with the
Whigs and anti-protectionist
Tory Peelites to form the
Liberal Party by
1859. Demand for parliamentary reform increased by
1864 with agitation from
John Bright and the
Reform League.
When the Liberal government led by
Lord Russell and
William Ewart Gladstone introduced a modest bill for parliamentary reform, it was defeated by both Tories and reform Liberals, forcing the government to resign. The Tories under
Lord Derby and
Benjamin Disraeli took office, and the new government decided to "dish the Whigs" and "take a leap in the dark" to take the credit for the reform. As a minority government they had to accept radical amendments, and Disraeli's
Reform Act of 1867 almost doubled the electorate, giving the vote even to working men.
The Radicals, having been strenuous in their efforts on behalf of the working classes, earned a deeply loyal following; British trade unionists from
1874 until
1892, upon being elected to Parliament, never considered themselves to be anything other than Radicals. Radical trade unionists formed the basis for what would later become the
Labour Party.
In the aftermath of the
Napoleonic Wars it was technically illegal in
France to openly advocate republicanism until
1848, so
Republicans usually called themselves radicals and the term "radical" came to mean a republican (whom, by definition, supported universal manhood suffrage). From
1869 a faction led by
Georges Clemenceau calling themselves Radicals claimed to be the true heirs of the French Revolutionary tradition and drifted away from the moderate republicanism of
Léon Gambetta. At
Montmartre in
1881 they put forward a programme of broad social reforms. At that time, Radicals located themselves on the
far left of the political board, opposed to the "
Republican opportunists" (Gambetta), the liberal
Orleanists and the
Legitimists (both monarchist factions) and the
Bonapartists.
These radicals then formed the
Radical-Socialist Party in 1901, which was the first French
left wing modern party. Four years later, the socialist
French Section of the Second International (SFIO) party was formed by the fusion of
Jean Jaurès's and
Jules Guesde's rival tendencies; and the
French Communist Party (PCF) was created in 1920. The Radical Socialist Party continued to be the main party of the
Third Republic (1871-1940), but was discredited after the war.
Opposing
Gaullism and the
Christian Democrat People's Republican Movement (MNR),
Pierre Mendès-France tried to anchor the Radicals to the left wing. Although he managed to put an end to the
First Indochina War through the
Geneva Accords signed in 1954 with
North Vietnam's Premier
Pham Van Dong, he finally left the party in 1961 to join the
Unified Socialist Party (PSU) which advocated
workers' self-management, while the Radical Republicans and Radical Socialist Party (full name of the party) split in a centrist
Parti radical dubbed "valoisien", legal successor of the Radical Party, and a faction advocating alliance with the
left wing, named
Left Radical Party. The Parti radical valoisien since became
center right and affiliated itself first with the
UDF center right party, then with the
Union for a Popular Movement (UMP)
conservative party, while the Left Radical Party, which claims being the political heir of the Republican Radicals, is affiliated with the
Socialist Party (PS).
In continental Europe and Latin America, as, for instance, in
Italy,
Spain,
Chile and
Argentina, Radicalism developed as an ideology in the
19th century to indicate those who supported, at least in theory, a
republican form of government, universal male suffrage, and, particularly, supported
anti-clerical policies. In northern and central European countries, like
Germany this current is known as
Freisinn (
Free Mind —
German Freeminded Party from 1884 to 1893, then
Eugen Richter's
Freeminded People's Party — and the
Free Democratic Party of Switzerland). However, by the twentieth century at the latest, radicalism, which did not advocate particularly radical economic policies, had been overtaken as the principal ideology of the left by the growing popularity of
socialism, and had become an essentially centrist political movement (as far as "radicalism" survived as a distinct political ideology at all).
:''See also:
Liberalism.In some countries the radical tendency is a variant of liberalism less doctrinary and more willing to accept democratic reforms than traditional liberals. In the
United Kingdom the
Radicals unite with the more traditional liberal
Whigs into the Liberal Party. In other countries, these left wing liberals form there own radical parties with various names (e.g. in
Switzerland and
Germany (the
Freisinn),
Bulgaria,
Denmark,
Spain and the
Netherlands[See for more information the section on Liberale und radikale Parteien in Klaus von Beyme: Parteien in westlichen Demokratien, München, 1982] but also
Argentina and
Chile[Compare page 255 and further in the Guide to the Political Parties of South America (Pelican Books, 1973]. This doesn't mean that all radical parties were formed by left wing liberals. In the French political literature it is normal to make clear separation between liberalism and radicalism in
France. In Serbia liberalism and radicicalism had and have almost nothing in common. But even the French radicals were aligned to the international liberal movement in the first half of the twentieth century, in the
Entente Internationale des Partis Radicaux et des Partis Démocratiques similaires[See page 1 and further of A sense of liberty, by Julie Smith, published by the Liberal International in 1997.].
*
The Transatlantic 1790s: Project:Loyalists - Radical Activities*
British History Online - London Radicalism*
Public & Republic - The New English Radicals*
Kramnick, "English middle-class radicalism in the eighteenth century"*
London Chartism*
Scotland Guide - Thomas Muir (and the 1820 Radical War: extracts from Steel's Scotland's Story).*
USA: Readers Companion to American History - Radicalismpeople
*
Radical Reformers*
Reformers - William Cobbett*
Radical democracy*
Radicals (UK)*
Radical Party (France)*
Italian Radicals*
Liberalism and radicalism in France*
Liberalism and radicalism in Italy*compare
Progressivism
