The West Wing presidential election, 2006
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The West Wing title screen |
The
U.S. presidential election of 2006 is a fictional event portrayed during the sixth and seventh seasons on the
American television show
The West Wing.Incumbent
President Josiah Bartlet was disqualified from reelection by the provisions of the
Twenty-Second Amendment. The
Democratic Party chose Representative
Matt Santos of
Texas as their candidate while the
Republican Party chose Senator
Arnold Vinick of
California. Santos was given little chance of success at the outset of his campaign, in light of the more favored
Vice President Robert Russell and former Vice President
John Hoynes. He eventually won the nomination after a rather contentious
primary campaign and
convention. Vinick was also seen as a
dark horse candidate, but was able to secure nomination more easily than Santos. In the general campaign, the two candidates touched on many issues, including
abortion,
intelligent design, and
nuclear energy, the latter after a potential
nuclear meltdown at the
San Andreo nuclear power plant. In the end, Santos won a narrow 272-266
electoral college victory over Vinick to succeed Bartlet as
President of the United States.
In reality, the first American presidential election was held in
1789. Since then, the elections have been held every four years, beginning retroactively with the year
1788. Therefore, an election was held in 2004 and one is scheduled for 2008, but there is no presidential election scheduled for the years in between. It would appear that, in the world of
The West Wing, the first presidential election was held in either
1787 or
1791. However, it is widely thought by some viewers that, because history up until around the era of
Richard Nixon seems to be the same in
The West Wing as in established history. For example the Presidential elections of
1948 1952,
1956 and
1960 have all been mentioned on the show, so that, following Nixon's resignation, the Constitution was amended and a presidential election was held in
1974, with the four-year cycle of presidential elections shifting as a result. The most recent real-world election to be mentioned was the
1972 election. It was referenced in the
season finale of the first season.
Since the off-year-election theory listed above has never been stated as fact during the show's first six seasons, it is also possible that the show takes place two years in the past or two years in the future. However, there are a number of references that place the show in "real time," most notably in the episode "
In Excelsis Deo," which first aired on December 15, 1999. The show contained an argument about whether the millennium begins in 2000 or 2001. "
The Black Vera Wang," first airing on May 8, 2002, shows the computer screen in the office of
C.J. Cregg, and shows that she received new e-mails on April 30, 2002. In the second season episode "
17 People"
Toby Ziegler says "Leo, has there been discussion in some room someplace, anywhere on any level, about Hoynes being dropped from the ticket in 2002?". This clearly states the election year, and proves the current election takes place in 2006.Also in the season four episode "
Life On Mars", which is clearly dated as taking place in May
2003 ,
Leo McGarry tells
John Hoynes he is odds on to be the nominee in two-and-a-half years time, which is roughly correct to the start of the primaries in 2006.
The election was held on
November 7,
2006, the first Tuesday in November of that year. In real life, American presidential elections always occur on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November in the year in which they are scheduled, and November 7 is the date of the actual United States' mid-term elections.
The
major party candidates were Representative
Matt Santos of
Texas and former
Secretary of Labor Leo McGarry of
Illinois, the
Democratic Party's presidential and vice presidential nominees, and Senator
Arnold Vinick of
California and Governor
Ray Sullivan of
West Virginia, the presidential and vice presidential nominees of the
Republican Party. The two presidential candidates "debated" in the one and only
live episode of
The West Wing in a debate with simpler rules designed by the candidates to let them speak openly and not from
talking points.
On January 22, 2006, NBC announced that the series finale would be broadcast May 14, 2006. NBC stated that the decision to cancel had been made prior to the December 16, 2005 death of actor
John Spencer, who played vice-presidential contender Leo McGarry. However, the result of the election was reportedly
['West Wing' writers have novel way of picking the President for the NY Times by Jacques Steinberg on April 10, 2006. Retrieved April 11, 2006.] changed following Spencer's death, as the writers did not want "to make Santos lose both the election and his running mate."
Democratic Party
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The Santos-McGarry ticket. |
*Democratic candidates:
**
Eric Baker (played by
Ed O'Neill), governor of
Pennsylvania**
John Hoynes (played by
Tim Matheson), former vice president and former
Senate Majority Leader from
Texas**
Ricky Rafferty (played by
Mel Harris), U.S. senator from an unknown state
**
Robert "Bob" Russell (played by
Gary Cole), incumbent vice president and former representative from
Colorado**
Matt Santos (played by
Jimmy Smits),
congressman from
Texas**Someone named Clarkson is mentioned as contesting in both New Hampshire and Iowa.
**Also the name Atkins is mentioned on more than one occasion.
**As seven candidates took part in the New Hampshire Primary, there are two other un-named candidates. (Baker did not enter the race until the convention and Rafferty did not enter the race until after New Hampshire.)
Under the provisions of the
Twenty-second Amendment to the United States Constitution, two-term incumbent President
Josiah Bartlet was disqualified from running. As the sixth season of
The West Wing began, the three clear frontrunners for the Democrat's presidential nomination were
Eric Baker,
Bob Russell, and
John Hoynes, with Baker leading in the polls in both
Iowa and
New Hampshire. However, Baker took himself out of the race in what was supposed to be his announcement speech, saying that his reasons involved his family.
With Baker no longer in the running, many saw the race as a two-way battle between Russell and Hoynes, with the former taking the lead due to memories of the
sex scandal that had forced Hoynes to resign the
Vice Presidency. Bartlet's
Deputy Chief of Staff,
Josh Lyman, was unsatisified with this matchup.
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Congressman Santos announced his candidacy with little fanfare or attention from the media. |
Lyman had been courted by both Hoynes and Russell to join their respective campaigns. However, despite previously working for Hoynes when he was
Senate Majority Leader, their relationship soured dramatically during Hoynes' tenure as vice president. Lyman doubted whether Russell could win the general election or make a good president even if he did. So he began fishing around for a candidate that he could run against Russell and Hoynes. Eventually, he settled on
Democratic Representative
Matt Santos of
Texas after witnessing Santos' legislative prowess in getting a
bipartisan Patients' Bill of Rights passed by the
House of Representatives. Despite the fact that the three-term congressman had previously told Lyman that he was retiring from both Congress and politics, he was eventually persuaded to run.
The campaign's start was hardly a good
omen for success. Headquartered in a run-down boating supply store, Santos soon found himself dead last in the polls out of a field of seven candidates in both
Iowa and
New Hampshire, due mainly to his prior opposition to
ethanol subsidies and several disparaging remarks that he had made in years past about the Concord State resembling a "
Mayflower reunion." Not helping matters in the least was Santos' campaign style, which called for an issues-oriented campaign in a state which has long been known as the "grip-and-grin capital of the world."
Although he lost the
Iowa caucus by a wide margin, Santos was able to pull off a moral victory in the
New Hampshire primary when he broadcast a live thirty-second ad in which he promised not to use
negative campaigning against his opponents and to always speak for himself in his commercials, instead of trying to distance himself from them as the other candidates had. These promises apparently struck a chord with voters, as Santos managed to take third-place, behind Russell and Hoynes, with 19% of the vote.
His celebration, however, was short-lived, as Senator
Ricky Rafferty, a newly-declared candidate and the only woman in the race, managed to steal both attention from the media attention and the "
insurgency candidate" image from Santos. Foremost in Rafferty's campaign was a plan for single-payer
universal health care, which was secretely supplied to her by
White House Communications Director Toby Ziegler. Although it was never specifically stated on the show, it appears that Senator Rafferty stayed in the race until the
South Carolina primary, before dropping out.
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Santos was able to win the implicit endorsement of California Gov. Tillman, allowing him to win the California primary in an upset victory. |
During the time between the New Hampshire primary and
Super Tuesday, Santos had managed to win primaries in
Arizona and
New Mexico, but he had come in third in most of the others. In fact, his prospects were so bad that his
fundraising had dried-up and he would have been forced to
mortgage his house in order to continue until the Texas Primary if he did not at least come in second in
California.
In the leadup to
Super Tuesday, a former staffer for Hoynes revealed that the then-
Senator had made improper sexual advances towards her. Hoynes had been leading the polls in
California, and had received the endorsement of
California Governor Gabriel Tillman. After Hoynes "suspended" his presidential campaign due to the reports of his sexual impropriety, Santos was able to maneuver into receiving the implicit endorsement of Governor Tillman, allowing him to win the
California primary in an upset victory.
With the California victory came new-found momentum, allowing Santos to win primaries in many more states, including
Florida,
Pennsylvania,
Texas,
Illinois, and
New Jersey. By the time of the
Democratic National Convention, he had won enough delegates to leave Hoynes in the dust and virtually tie with Russell, deadlocking the convention on the first ballot. Prior to the convention, Santos turned down the offer of the vice-presidential slot from Russell and decided to take his chances for the top job.
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Governor Baker threw his hat in the ring as a compromise candidate. |
The
2006 Democratic National Convention was held in
San Diego, California (though scenes from "2162 Votes" show the convention center to be the
HP Pavilion in
San Jose, California).
Pennsylvania Governor Baker, an early favorite who had decided against running in the primaries, turned down Russell's offer of the vice-presidential nomination and offered himself as a compromise candidate from the floor. Baker stole delegates from all of the other candidates and stretched the balloting to an unprecedented third day. Baker seemed poised to receive the nomination when members of the Russell campaign revealed to the press that Baker had covered up his wife's history of
clinical depression. This made delegates question his integrity, causing him to lose his momentum and substantial support on the convention floor .
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The Democratic Ticket: Congressman Santos and Secretary McGarry. |
With the momentum of Baker's insurgency stalled, the convention remained deadlocked. In order to break the stalemate, Santos was ordered by the convention organizer, former
White House Chief of Staff Leo McGarry, to step aside in favor of either Baker or Russell. Santos was given a chance to address the convention again and announce his support for one of the two remaining candidates. Instead of withdrawing, however, Santos gave a rousing speech, defending Baker and urging the delegates to choose the candidate who represented their hopes and dreams. This swung the momentum in the balloting back to him and impressed both President Bartlet and Leo McGarry.
At the urging of
Chief of Staff C.J. Cregg, President Bartlet decided to end the balloting before it damaged the party's image. Due to the president's behind-the-scenes machinations, Santos received the support of a key
New York teachers union that had previously spurned him because of his views on teacher
tenure. Santos clinched the nomination, eventually receiving 2,751 votes, and chose
Leo McGarry as his vice presidential
running mate.
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Winners of primaries and caucuses for the Democratic presidential nomination. |
The 2006 Democratic National Convention Ballot ResultsRepublican Party
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The Vinick-Sullivan Ticket. |
*Republican candidates:
**
Reverend Don Butler (played by
Don S. Davis),
televangelist and minister from
Virginia**
Arnold Vinick (played by
Alan Alda), U.S. senator from
California**
Glen Allen Walken (played by
John Goodman), former
Speaker of the House and former
Acting President of the United States from
Missouri**Allard (during the Iowa caucus, someone called Allard is mentioned as the other major front runner against Walken)
**Bennett (President Bartlet mentions the name Bennett as another leading Republican candidate)
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Rev. Butler withdrew from the race, giving Sen. Vinick a lock on the nomination. |
Seven Republicans contested the nomination as Vinick says after the election that he beat the "seven dwarfs" that would leave three un-named candidates one of these may have been
Ohio Governor
Mike Reed who was later given a key role at the
Republican National Convention. As the Primary season began former Speaker Walken was viewed as the frontrunner due to his successful tenure as
Acting President during the
Zoey Bartlet crisis, while Vinick's confirmed
centrism and his
pro-choice views on
abortion made him a long-shot candidate. This view seemed to be confirmed when Walken won the
Iowa caucus, with Allard in second place and Vinick coming in last due to opposition to
ethanol subsidies.
However, as the primary campaign progressed, Vinick's results improved as Walken, Allard and Bennett eventually withdrew from the race, leaving it a straight fight between Vinick and
Reverend Butler, who is described as "winning some primaries". Although Vinick was described by some as "sweeping" the primaries, he did not win enough delegates to ensure a first-ballot nomination until he defeated Butler in the
New Jersey primary.
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The Republican Ticket: Senator Vinick and Governor Sullivan. |
Vinick knew that his political
centrism, especially on the issue of abortion, had the potential of alienating the
Republican base and threatening his chances of winning a general election. In order to
balance the ticket with a staunchly
pro-life conservative as his vice presidential nominee, Vinick was ready to give the nomination to
Rev. Butler, who turned him down before he could make the offer, citing their differences on the abortion issue. Vinick eventually chose the staunchly
pro-life West Virginia Governor Ray Sullivan as his running-mate. Sullivan, a former
U.S. Attorney with a record of busting white-collar crime, was considered one of the rising stars in the
Republican Party.
Vinick and Sullivan were nominated on the first ballot at the
2006 Republican National Convention at the
Wachovia Center in
Philadelphia. The newly-minted Republican ticket drew controversy when Governor Sullivan, assuming the "attack-dog" role of
vice-presidential nominees, made comments that seemingly mocked
President Bartlet's
multiple sclerosis. Indeed, without a Democratic nominee to attack, many of the speakers at the convention made speeches critical of Bartlet's tenure in office. Vinick's acceptance speech, on the other hand, praised President Bartlet, saying that despite their ideological differences, Bartlet had honored the office of President in his two terms, and that he hoped he could do the same if elected. Bartlet, watching the convention on television, was dismayed at what Vinick said, saying he picked up "five million Democratic votes" by rising above the antagonistic tones of the other speakers.
Communications Director Toby Ziegler also noted Vinick portrayed himself as more suitable for the Presidency than any of the Democratic candidates, without even mentioning their names.
Initial stages
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Vinick made immigration policy an important part of the campaign. |
The presidential campaign began with Arnold Vinick holding a substantial lead of nine points over underdog Matt Santos. Santos had just come out of a closely contested and bitter primary season and a divided and tumultuous convention, while Vinick's convention was described by many (including President Bartlet himself) as being a relatively clean and well-organized affair. Many high-ranking Democrats believed that Santos had little chance to beat Vinick, a moderate Republican from the traditionally Democratic state of
California. Both
Leo McGarry and
Toby Ziegler admitted that Santos and the Democrats had "no chance" of beating Vinick.
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Leo McGarry's health and campaigning skills were often questioned. |
Image was an important factor throughout the campaign. Leo McGarry had been known for working behind the scenes and had no history in elected office. Questions about his health and public relations gaffes were a thorn in the side of the Santos campaign in the days just after the
Democratic National Convention. Yet, many pundits argued that having McGarry on the ticket, as a former
White House Chief of Staff and Senior Counselor to the President, was necessary in order to
balance Matt Santos' foreign policy inexperience.
The Santos campaign's fear of McGarry's lack of campaigning prowess reached a height in the preparations for the
Vice Presidential debate, when McGarry seemed like an ineffective debater. It was later revealed that his poor performance in debate practice was a ploy: McGarry leaked word of his incompetence to the press, allowing press expectations of his performance to fall dramatically. The strategem worked, for McGarry's debate performance against
Ray Sullivan was surprisingly effective and was a victory for the Santos campaign.
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Santos fulfilled his Marine Reserve obligations to shore up his foreign policy poll numbers. |
Early on in the campaign, Santos was forced to confront his so-called "Mommy Problem," the belief that while he was seen as likable and polled well on social and domestic issues, Vinick dominated the important area of foreign policy. He attempted to diffuse this perception by fulfilling his obligations as a member of the
Marine Reserves, allowing the press to constantly run footage of the candidate piloting a fighter jet, and improving Santos' polling on foreign policy issues.
On the other hand, Vinick faced numerous image problems as well. He was seen as too liberal by conservatives, and was much older and less
photogenic than the younger Santos. Vinick believed that Santos was a smart campaigner and decided to campaign on
border issues to try to take votes from the traditionally Republican homestate of Santos, Texas. This was seen by some and implied by Santos to be a direct attempt to attack Santos because of his
Latino ethnicity.
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Abortion was a major issue of the campaign. |
Religion was also a large factor in the election through a variety of issues including
abortion,
intelligent design, and the general
piety of the candidates. Vinick was a rarity as a
pro-choice Republican and his campaign staff attempted to repair his image among
pro-life voters by having his pro-life vice presidential candidate,
Ray Sullivan, speak on
family values issues, including abortion. Vinick also suffered a setback when, after having privately promised the American Christian Assembly that he would only appoint pro-life judges, he stated on
Hardball that he would apply no
litmus test in appointing judges to the bench, angering religious conservatives.
Santos was a pro-choice Democrat, but his devotion to his
Catholicism led him to question his views on abortion throughout the campaign. At one point a
527 group aired an attack ad against Santos, editing a clip of him speaking to make it appear as though Santos had secret pro-life views he was hiding from the public (possibly an allusion to the
Swift Vets and POWs for Truth in the real-word
2004 presidential campaign). At the same time, a prominent women's rights group threatened to endorse Vinick because the senator was pro-choice and seemed likely to win. Santos was thus being hit from both sides, attacked as another pro-choice Democrat by pro-life interest groups while enduring doubt from liberal voters over his pro-choice credentials.
The issue of intelligent design was also a factor on the campaign trail;
Pennsylvania voters were debating the teaching of
intelligent design in the state's public schools. Santos disregarded his staff's advice to stay away from the state-specific issue and eloquently affirmed his Catholicism while maintaining that the issue should be left to the states. Vinick, on the other hand, remained ambiguous on the issue, further angering religious conservatives.
Presidential debate
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Santos and Vinick during their only presidential debate. |
At the outset of the first and only Santos-Vinick debate, Vinick proposed that the candidates ignore the rules their campaigns agreed to and have "a real debate" without time limits on speaking. Santos, having shown a prior disdain for heavily structured political debates, readily agreed.
Santos reiterated his commitment to greater federal involvement in public education, opposed oil drilling in the
Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, supported a moratorium on the federal
death penalty, and pledged never to go to war for oil. He also explained that he had initially supported the
Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) on the
Ways and Means Committee, but then voted against it when special interest amendments were attached. He also criticized Senator Vinick for relying too heavily on tax cuts to grow the economy. Perhaps his most surprising comment of the night, though, came when he said that he "wasn't crazy" about his health care plan, since it would not provide
universal coverage, but it was the best he thought he could get through
Congress.
During the debate, Vinick tried to paint Santos as a typical liberal
Democrat who would raise taxes to pay for intrusive big-government programs while still leaving the federal budget unbalanced. The senator laid out a
libertarian agenda and reiterated his support for tax cuts, proposed tax-deductibility for health insurance costs, explained why he had voted for the
Central American Free Trade Agreement, opposed a moratorium on the federal
death penalty, promised to open part of the
Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil exploration, and declared his strong support for
nuclear power. He was heckled by a member of the audience for claiming that
Head Start didn't work, but perhaps his most surprising comment and show of blunt honesty was his remark that he would not create any new jobs, saying that in a free society entrepreneurs, not the government, created jobs.
The outcome of the debate was generally seen as either a tie or a slim Santos victory. Public opinion polls favored the latter interpretation; while both candidates received boosts in public support, Santos received a bigger increase than Vinick.
San Andreo accident
The most crucial incident of the campaign was the near
nuclear meltdown at the
San Andreo power plant in Vinick's home state of
California.
President Bartlet was forced to vent radioactive gases from the plant into the atmosphere and issue a large scale evacuation order for the surrounding area.
Although meltdown was avoided, the event still had a severe effect on the campaign. Vinick was a long-time supporter of
nuclear power, a position that was summed up repeatedly on news broadcasts in a clip from the presidential debate where he repeatedly defended nuclear power as being "completely safe."
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The San Andreo near-disaster was the turning point of the election. |
President Bartlet wanted to visit San Andreo, and standard protocol dictated that the president invite the state's congressional delegation to accompany him. Much to the chagrin of the Santos campaign, this meant that Vinick, as the senior senator from
California, would be able to stand by the president at the accident site. Some believed that this would allow Vinick to be "absolved" by Bartlet and provide him with an opportunity to appear presidential. However, before leaving for California, Senator Vinick publicly blamed the Bartlet Administration for maintaining lax federal regulations. This public slap in the face, combined with a spat with Vinick on
Air Force One over the safety of nuclear power, led President Bartlet to refuse to make a statement blaming his own administration for the accident, thus thwarting Vinick's pursuit of absolution.
However, any positive publicity Vinick may have gained from the trip soon vanished when
The Washington Post reported that while in the
Senate, Vinick played a key role in furnishing quick federal authorization for the
San Andreo nuclear power plant decades earlier. This revelation caused a dramatic turn of public opinion against Vinick, who until then had a rather substantial lock on the electoral college.
The accident proved to be the turning point of the campaign. States with nuclear plants saw a sudden shift in polling towards Santos, bringing several states into contention (including Ohio, Florida, South Carolina, and California
[Commentary on "Duck and Cover" for FootnoteTV by Stephen Lee on January 22, 2006. Retrieved March 19, 2006.]). In polls done at the national level, both men were locked in a statistical tie of 44 percent.
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The election was bound to be close, as these opposing lawn signs show. |
Election Day arrived on
November 7,
2006. A variety of factors seemed to affect voter turnout and each campaigns' expectations of the results. Rain in
Boston looked to deter voter turnout in the key districts Santos needed to carry
Massachusetts, while massive field operations were employed to get the Latino vote to the polls for Santos. Strategists in both camps noted various problems with exit polls, citing new laws that might have affected the data collected in unexpected ways while other polls were skewed by disproportionate samples.
The election started off with a pair of surprises:
South Carolina, traditionally a Republican state, was called for Santos within minutes of polls closing on the East Coast while
West Virginia, a traditionally Democratic state (but one which has recently become strongly Republican, and also the home of Vinick's running mate,
Ray Sullivan), was called for Vinick. More normal outcomes were had with
Pennsylvania going to Santos and
Indiana and
Kentucky going to Vinick.
The election was thrown into potential chaos when
Leo McGarry, Santos' running mate, died from a sudden heart attack. The polls on the
west coast were open for another ninety minutes, creating a difficult situation for both campaigns. The Santos campaign wanted to delay the announcement until after polls on the west coast closed, fearing that
undecideds in those states might choose to rely on Vinick's experience in the wake of McGarry's passing (though they realized this option was impossible given the number of people outside the campaign who knew about McGarry's death). The Vinick campaign saw McGarry's death as a potential rationale for challenging the election results if the Senator lost (the logic being that people had voted for Santos
and McGarry, so the results were tainted by McGarry's death). Vinick vehemently refused to employ this option, finding it unconscionable to use the death of a candidate as a tool for challenging the outcome of an election.
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The election was indeed close, with Nevada's five electoral votes deciding the election. |
As the night went on, the election became a tit-for-tat, see-saw battle. With the exception of South Carolina, Vinick captured the South and Midwest, while Santos took the Southwest and most of New England. A welcome surprise for Vinick were his victories in
Maine (by 52% to 48%) and
Vermont, two states that traditionally vote for Democrats. Finally, a big blow was dealt when
Texas was called for Santos, and it looked as if the Democrats were headed towards a surprise runaway victory. Indeed, Vinick believed a Santos win in
California was imminent, and was ready to concede the election as soon as it was announced.
That notion was quickly dispelled when California went for
native son Vinick by a mere 80,000 votes, giving him 266 electoral votes to Santos' 260 putting him just 4 electoral votes short of victory with only
Oregon (7 electoral votes) and
Nevada (5 electoral votes) left in play. While only one of these two states would give Vinick the presidency, Santos would need to win both. Oregon was first, going into the Santos column by just 2,000 votes and making the electoral college count 267 for Santos and 266 for Vinick. That left Nevada as a "winner-take-all" for either side, a strange situation since Santos had conceded Nevada (a traditionally Republican-leaning state) to Vinick early on in the race, while Vinick's campaign had gutted their Nevada operations to focus on California.
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Senator Vinick refused to contest the election, allowing Santos to claim both victory and the presidency. |
Finally at 5:45 AM EST on Wednesday
November 8,
2006, Nevada was called for Santos, handing him both the election and the presidency. Vinick chose to concede the election rather than contest the slim margin of defeat in the Silver State (just 30,000 votes) and called Santos to congratulate him on his victory. Once the
absentee ballots were counted, Santos' margin of victory in Nevada was announced as 70,000 votes.
Fans have noted that, while they were explained in a limited capacity, the results in states such as South Carolina, Maine, and Vermont seemed unlikely. Similar complaints were leveled about Bartlet's
reelection in 2002, which included Democratic victories in the solidly Republican states of
North Dakota,
South Dakota, and
Nebraska, with a strikingly close match in Bartlett's swing state home of
New Hampshire. Also, Vinick winning Iowa seems a bit of a stretch considering his alienation of voters there over the
ethanol issue in "King Corn."
|
Presidential electoral votes by state. |
As of the end of the second part of the episode
Election Day, the following states have been called by the major TV networks, giving Santos a 272-266 victory over Vinick:
| Santos | Vinick | *Texas (34)
*New York (31)
*Illinois (21)
*Pennsylvania (21)
*Michigan (17)
*New Jersey (15)
*Massachusetts (12)
*Missouri (11)
*Washington (11)
*Maryland (10)
*Arizona (10)
*Wisconsin (10)
*Minnesota (10)
*Colorado (9)
*South Carolina (8)
*Connecticut (7)
*Oregon (7)
*Nevada (5)
*New Mexico (5)
*Hawaii (4)
*New Hampshire (4)
*Rhode Island (4)
*Delaware (3)
*District of Columbia (3)
*California (55)
*Florida (27)
*Ohio (20)
*Georgia (15)
*North Carolina (15)
*Virginia (13)
*Indiana (11)
*Tennessee (11)
*Alabama (9)
*Louisiana (9)
*Kentucky (8)
*Iowa (7)
*Oklahoma (7)
*Arkansas (6)
*Kansas (6)
*Mississippi (6)
*Nebraska (5)
*Utah (5)
*West Virginia (5)
*Idaho (4)
*Maine (4)
*Alaska (3)
*Montana (3)
*South Dakota (3)
*North Dakota (3)
*Vermont (3)
*Wyoming (3)>- | Total - 272 | Total - 266 |
|
The actual popular vote totals were never specified, but it can be clearly heard at one point that Vinick was winning the popular vote by around a million votes on the TV coverage. Vinick is confirmed to have won the popular vote in the epsiode "The Last Hurrah".
The
Democrats regained control of the
House of Representatives with a four-seat majority, while the
Republicans kept control of the
Senate. One Democratic loss was Bartlet's son-in-law, Doug Westin, who lost by a double digit margin for a
New Hampshire House seat.
The West Wing**
Arnold Vinick**
Matt Santos*
The West Wing presidential election, 2002*
Timeline skew theories for The West Wing (TV series)*
U.S. presidential primary*
U.S. presidential nominating convention*
U.S. presidential election debates*
Official Campaign Website*
Santa Paula for Vinick*
Candidate analysis