White (people)
White (also
White people,
White race or
Whites) is one of various
color metaphors for race used as a form of classification of people. Though literally implying light-skinned, "White" has been used in different ways at different times and places. Like other color metaphors commonly employed to categorise human
ethnic or
racial groups, its precise definition is unclear with no common standard.
Although different definitions of "White" vary, the most common feature is that the term refers to
caucasoid people descended from
Europe. By this definition, the areas of the world that are considered to be predominantly "White" include all of the countries of
Europe, as well as
Argentina,
Australia,
Canada,
New Zealand, the
United States of America, and
Uruguay.
Across the globe, and especially throughout the
Western Hemisphere, a person's consideration as "White" has been affected by past or present
colloquial,
scientific and
legal understandings, including definitions based for such purposes as
censuses,
anti-miscegenation laws,
affirmative action, and
racial quotas. These factors and the groups they involve are explored throughout the article.
This section describes demographic and genetic flow into Europe. For a broader, more detailed view of
Human migrations, see that article.
Paleolithic
The
prehistory of the European peoples can be traced by the examination of
archaeological sites,
linguistic studies, and by the examination of the sequence of bases of
DNA of the people who live in Europe now, or from recovered
ancient DNA. Much of this research is ongoing, with discoveries still being continually made, and theories rise and fall. Even the broad consensus, based initially upon the analysis of
mitochondrial DNA, but confirmed by
Y-chromosome lineages and most recently by
autosomal polymorphisms (
indels,
Alu sequences,
SNPs, etc.), that early man migrated
out of Africa 65-85,000 years ago has its
critics.
The
human race (
homo sapiens)
began to colonize Europe from Africa about
35 millennia ago, arriving along two major channels on either side of the
Black Sea. Very quickly—by about 25 millenia ago—the prior inhabitants (our cousin species
H. neanderthalensis) became extinct. About 22 millennia ago,
glaciers began to cover Europe, rendering much of the region uninhabitable. The inhabitants fled to areas along the northern
Mediterranean coastline. When
the glaciers receded about 16 millennia ago, the populations that had taken refuge were joined by many other waves of peoples from Asia and Africa to re-colonize the newly inhabitable region. Their descendants became the
hunter-gatherers who occupied Europe until the advent of
agriculture. Then, about eight millennia ago,
farming spread from Asia throughout Europe, bringing the Indo-European family of languages along with
the new technology.
Indo-Europeans
Theories about the origins of the
Indo-European language center around a hypothetical
Proto-Indo-European people, who are traced, in the
Kurgan hypothesis, to somewhere north of the Black Sea, or possibly
Anatolia around 6000–4000 BCE. They
domesticated the horse, and spread their culture and genes across Europe. To what extent they replaced the
indigenous Mesolithic peoples is debated, but a consensus has been reached that technology and language transfer played a more important role in this process than actual gene-flow.
[See Bryan Sykes, The Seven Daughters of Eve, 1st American ed. (New York: Norton, 2001) for an entertaining account of how this consensus was reached. For historical reasons, in the 1980s mtDNA researchers believed that the Indo-European expansion was overwhelmingly a spread of technology and language, not of genes, while the those who studied Y-chromosome lineages believed the opposite. Gradually the mtDNA guys (Sykes) admitted more physical migration into their scenarios, while the Y folks (Peter Underhill) accepted more technology-copying. Eventually, both groups independently reached a 20-80 ratio. The mtDNA vs. Y discrepancy is explained by noting that in such conquest-based migrations, a common pattern is invading foreign males producing offspring with indigenous females, though significant numbers of females of the spreading culture would also arrive with post-conquest settlers.]Despite the near-total replacement of paleolithic languages and the partial replacement of DNA markers during the arrival of agriculture, several small pockets remain of the pre-Indo-European paleolithic peoples. The best known examples are the
Basques of the Pyrenees and the
Saami of Finland, both of which have distinctive pre-Indo-European genetic markers and speak pre-Indo-European languages.
It should be noted, though, that 80% of Europeans can trace their ancestry to the paleolithic inhabitants of Europe.
Asiatic tribes
Over the next six millennia, Europe was repeatedly swept by successive waves of settlers and invaders from central and eastern Asia. Asian autosomal DNA marks an important contribution to the gene pools of Eastern Europe and Scandinavia, present at frequencies ranging from almost 50% in Lapland to between 7 and 13% in Finland, Russia and Hungary. No country or population is "free" of these markers, which steadily decline from the Urals towards the western Europe. Only behind Urals these markers increase sharply.
[Guglielmino et al. 1990, Rosenberg et al. 2002 and Cavalli-Sforza 1997] Unlike some older racial theories told, Finnish speakers are not especially asiatic people, but genetically close to their Scandinavian and Baltic neighbours, who, like all the European populations also have some proportion of the same DNA markers. Closest relatives of Finns (and propably other Finnic peoples) are Germanic speakers. (L. Cavalli-Sforza, Menozzi, Piazza The history of geography of human genes (1994))
Huns,
Mongols and
Tatars possible sources of this admixture, as Haplogroup N also proves, a Haplogroup of Asian origins, which is also common in the same area, from Eastern Europe to Sweden, Norway and Denmark.
An interesting case is the genetic marker known as Haplogroup R1a. Although it is believed to be of European Paleolithic origins and is very frequent in Northern, Central and Eastern Europe, it is also one of most important genetic markers to be found in numerous Asian populations and in countries like India and Pakistan.
North and Northeast African influences
There are a number of genetic markers which are characteristic of North African populations which are to be found in European populations signifying ancient and modern population movements across the
Mediterranean. These markers are to be found particularly in Mediterranean Europe but some are also prevalent, at low levels, throughout the continent.
Y-chromosome haplogroup E-M81, specific to North African populations, is absent in Europe except for
Iberia (
Spain and
Portugal) and
Sicily.
Y-chromosome Haplogroup E3b, which is by far the most common in North Africa, is present throughout the majority of Europe, particularly in Mediterranean and South Eastern Europe, reaching its highest concentration in Greece [
1]. The spread of E3b can be traced to migrations in the
Neolithic from the Horn of Africa throughout
North Africa and the Middle East as well as to more recent exchanges across the Mediterranean.
mtDNA Haplotype 5 (p49/TaqI), common in Morocco, is also found in the Iberian peninsula, and a decreasing North-South cline of frequency clearly establishes a gene flow from North Africa towards Iberia which is consistent with eight centuries of
Moorish presence in the peninsula.
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/entrez/query.fcgi?cmd=Retrieve&db=pubmed&dopt=Abstract&list_uids=11758696&query_hl=3&itool=pubmed_docsum Genetic studies on Iberian populations also show that North African sequences (haplogroup U6) and sub-Saharan sequences (Haplogroup L), present values which are much higher than those generally observed in Europe, although very low levels of Haplotype U6 have also been detected in Sicily. It happens also to be a characteristic genetic marker of the Saami populations of Northern Scandinavia.
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/entrez/query.fcgi?db=pubmed&cmd=Retrieve&dopt=AbstractPlus&list_uids=16201138&query_hl=7&itool=pubmed_docsum It is difficult to acertain that U6's presence is the consequence of Islam's expansion in Europe during the Middle Ages, particularly because it is more frequent in the north of the peninsula rather than in the south. It may also be the result of neolithic expansion from North Africa. On the other hand, the distribution of
mtDNA Haplogroup L is consistent with modern historical data, being more frequent in southern Iberia than in the north. Islamic domination, as well as the slave trade in the 15th century, is likely to have been a factor leading to its relatively high frequency in modern-day Spanish and Portuguese populations.
Sub-Saharan African slaves
Finally, aside from E3b, sub-Saharan African DNA is scattered throughout the European continent. Not every population has been studied yet, but enough have so that a picture is starting to emerge. The amount of black admixture in Europe today ranges from a few percent in Iberia to almost nil around the Baltic.
[Pereira et al. 2005 (view the specific data here)] It seems to show a decreasing cline from the southwest to the northeast, which corresponds with the areas most affected by the African slave trade. For details, see
Sub-Saharan DNA admixture in Europe.
For a global perspective on this topic, see [https://www5.nationalgeographic.com/genographic/atlas.html Atlas of the Human Journey],
World Haplogroups Maps,
Origins of Europeans and
Genetic Structure of Human Populations.
Pre-modern usage of
White may not correspond to current concepts. Europeans who traveled to
Northeast Asia in the 17
th century applied
White to the people they encountered (see suggested readings below) — the term having no other connotations at that time — and indeed, even today the name of the
Bai people of
Yunnan,
China translates as "white".
As European colonization of the Americas and eventually other parts of the world brought Europeans into close contact with other peoples, the term
White and other contrasting
racial colour terms, such as
black,
brown,
yellow, and
red, etc, came into wide use as a quick shorthand to refer to race.
By the 18
th century, "White" had begun shifting in meaning and started showing signs of becoming an exclusive label. European people, including European colonists in the New World, defined the other people with reference to "White." "Black" or "brown" people came to be defined by having darker skin than a "White" person, and the same "color" came to be applied to all non-white people.
| Race in the US Federal Census |
|---|
The 7th federal census, in 1850, asked for Color:[2] *white *black *mulatto |
The 10th federal census, in 1880, asked for Color:[3] *white *black *mulatto *Chinese *Indian |
The 22nd federal census, in 2000, had a "short form"[4] that asked two race/ancestry questions:
1.Is the person Spanish/Hispanic/Latino?
2.What is the person's race? *White *Black, African American *American Indian or Alaska Native *10 choices for Asian and Pacific Islander *Other
This census acknowledged that "the race categories include both racial and national-origin groups." See also Race (U.S. Census) |
| Race in the UK Census |
|---|
Census 2001 asked for a person's ethnic group:[5] *White ** British ** Any other White background *Mixed ** White and Black Caribbean ** White and Black African ** White and Asian ** Any other Mixed background *Asian or Asian British ** Indian ** Pakistani ** Bangladeshi ** Any other Asian background *Black or Black British ** Caribbean ** African ** Any other Black background *Chinese or other ethnic group ** Chinese ** Any other |
The most recent United States Census (2000) defined the 'White' race as follows: "The term White refers to people having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East, or North Africa." It includes people who indicated their race or races as "White" or wrote in entries such as
Irish,
German,
Italian,
Israeli,
Syrian,
Lebanese,
Portuguese,
Polish and
Scottish.
A flaw in
current official US government parameters for race is that it gives national origin a racial value. Given the differences between common US understandings of white versus the official parameters, it can be somewhat problematic for peoples of
Middle Eastern and
North African heritage who for one reason or another are not commonly seen in social circles as white but are encompassed in the official definition. Reasons for this may include the heterogeneity of their populations, religious, linguistic or ancestral differences (please
see below).
Another predicament is that by simply responding
Israeli in the US census can lead to a person being categorised as "White". This disregards whether or not that Israeli (if Jewish) is actually of European descent (
Ashkenazi), or for example, of Ethiopian descent (
Falasha), Yemenite descent (
Teimani), Indian descent (
Indian Jews), etc.
German Americans
In the early United States, the term became more exclusive, coming to refer only to those of English heritage or persons to whom the term WASP applies. However, unlike most European immigrant groups whose acceptace as white (that is, in U.S. colloqual definitions, since all Europeans had been white by legal U.S. definition),
German immigrants quickly came to be accepted as White.
[See David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London: Verso, 1991) p. 32 for their earlier status. See op. cit. p. 142 for Stephen O. Douglas's acceptance, in his debates against Lincoln, that Germans are a "branch of the Caucasian race." See op. cit. p. 155 for anti-abolitionist tracts of 1864 accusing abolitionist German-Americans of having "broken their ties with the white race" by opposing slavery. Finally, see Frank W. Sweet, Legal History of the Color Line: The Rise and Triumph of the One-Drop Rule (Palm Coast FL: Backintyme, 2005) p. 332 and Leon F. Litwack, North of Slavery: the Negro in the Free States, 1790-1860 (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1961) p. 75 for the legislated disfranchisement of Pennsylvanians of African ancestry by the first state legislature controlled by German-Americans.] German-Americans were also the largest group of immigrants during the 19th century, outnumbering both English and Irish immigrants, making German-Americans the largest ethnic group in the United States to this very day.
Irish Americans
In the 19th Century, Irish immigrants were often discriminated against due to their majority Catholic religion. Irish fear of Protestant indoctrination in public schools is what led to the drive to open U.S. Catholic parochial schools, and eventually to the founding of
Notre Dame University.
Eastern European and Slavic Americans
Eastern Europeans and Slavic Americans were classified as White at Ellis Island in the United States, although they experienced some cultural discrimination.
Poland and
Russia are today are among the most homogenous White nations.
Italian Americans
Mass immigration to the United States from
Italy occurred during the late 19
th and 20
th century. All Italians were considered White upon arrival in the United States, however Southern Italians were classified as a different "nationality" primarily at the request of their Northern Italian counterparts.
[Thomas A. Guglielmo, White on Arrival: Italians, Race, Color, and Power in Chicago, 1890-1945, 2003, ISBN 0195155432 ].
Italians sometimes fell victim to anti-Catholicism and cultural prejudices. Like the Irish Catholics who had preceded them, they were vulnerable to discrimination and prejudice from America's predominantly Protestant majority.
European Jewish Americans
According to one source — although not supported by census records of the period which recorded
all Jews as White —
European Jews in America did not become accepted as 'White' until the 1940s.
[Karen Brodkin, How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says About Race in America (New Brunswick NJ, 1998).] Jewish people desired assimilation. As early as 1911, German/American-Jewish anthropologist
Franz Boas (1858-1952) purported in
The Mind of Primitive Man, that "no real biological chasm separated recent immigrants from Mayflower descendants."
[Franz Boas, The Mind of Primitive Man (New York, 1911).]Hispanic Americans
Despite differences in ancestry from one
Latin American to another, Americans and Canadians tend to label as
Hispanic all such people — from the
Southwestern United States and
Mexico to
Central America,
South America and the Spanish-speaking
Caribbean — as well as White European
Spaniards, often erroneously giving it a "racial" value. The term "non-Hispanic White" is used for clarity to designate members of the dominant cultures of the US. A question, however, is whether some, all, or no Hispanics are seen as White by non-Hispanic Whites.
Of the over 40 million Hispanics for the
United States Census, 2000, a
plurality of 48.6% identified as "White-Hispanic", 48.2% identified as "Hispanic-Hispanic" (most of whom are presumed to be
mestizos), and the remaining 3.2% identified as "Black-Hispanic". Of those who identified as "White-Hispanic", many would also possess at least some Amerindian and/or black ancestry.
Judging by census
intermarriage statistics, even non-White 'Hispanics' — that is,
mestizos and
mulattos — may be in the process of integrating into the majority community and often labeled as White. Mestizos and mulattos, however, are most often considered non-White.
The media and Hispanic community leaders themselves in the U.S. nearly always refer to
Hispanics as if a separate group from 'Whites' and the 'White majority', especially those who are discernably of mixed racial descent. This may be because 'white' is often used as shorthand for 'non-Hispanic white'. Federal agencies' standards have become more precise in this regard. The EEOC explicitly defines Hispanics as a separate and distinct "ethnicity."
[Employer Information Report EEO-1 and Standard Form 100, Appendix § 4, Race/Ethnic Identification, 1 Empl. Prac. Guide (CCH) § 1881, (1981), 1625. In apparent self-contradiction, this version of the regulation states that the distinct Hispanic "race" comprises, "All persons of Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central or South American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race". [Underline is the author's.]] Newer versions of this form [
6] follow the Census Bureau in separating Hispanic self-identity from "racial" self-identity. On the decennial census form, a respondent who checks the Hispanic/Latino "ethnicity" box can, in a following question, also check one or more of the
5 official race categories. Supporters of this policy claim that statistics on Hispanics as a group must be collected in order to track
discrimination, for
affirmative action purposes, etc., in the same way that they are for non-White racial groups, and for women. The Bureau, in contrast, simply says that they are mandated to ask such questions by the U.S. Congress.
Mexican Americans
Throughout the history of the United States,
Mexicans and
Mexican Americans have held different racial statuses, including White. Past misconceptions that Mexicans and/or Mexican Americans somehow constitute a single racial type have been responsible for these across-the-board labellings. Today, however, according to U.S. Census criteria and other governmental legal constructions, Mexicans, Mexican Americans, and any other persons of a
Hispanic national origin are considered independent of any single race. Instead, a person may identify their Hispanic nationality, or identify generically as "Hispanic" and then separately indicate any one or more of the five officially recognised racial groups (or alternatively check "other race"). In the last U.S census, however, around half of all persons of Mexican or Mexican American origin in the U.S. checked "White" to register their race (in addition to stating their Mexican national origin).
At the times when Mexicans where treated as a monolithic group, and allotted white status, they were permitted to intermarry with what today are termed "non-Hispanic whites" (unlike blacks and Asians); were allowed to acquire U.S. citizenship upon arrival (unlike Asian immigrants); served in all-white units during the
World War II (unlike blacks and Japanese); could vote and hold elected office in places such as
Texas, especially
San Antonio (unlike blacks); ran the state politics and constituted most of the elite of
New Mexico since colonial times; and went to integrated schools in Central Texas and
Los Angeles (unlike Blacks in the south and Asians in
Southern California). Additionally, Asians were barred from marrying Mexican Americans because of their legal White status.
Despite their legal status as white, and even their claim to European heritage (see
criollo,
mestizo,
mulatto), some Mexican Americans are seen as socially and racially non-White. Given that many Mexican-Americans with complete or predominant European features are not seen or even realized to Mexicans since they do not fit the "Mexican type" (i.e.
mestizo; which most, but not all, Mexicans indeed are), and can be looked over as being simply non-Mexican White Americans. This tends to lower the perception of the true number of white Mexican Americans there may actually be. This is also the case with other White Hispanics. Nevertheless, some Mexicans view themselves (sometimes even in cases when it is clearly not the case) as distinctly non-white. These proudly claim direct descent from
Amerindians, most commonly the
Aztecs and
Mayans. The Mexican flag itself contains the emblem-shield symbolizing Aztec heritage and was inspired by an Aztec legend regarding the founding of
Tenochtitlan.
The 1930 U.S. census form asked for "color or race." The 1930 census enumerators were given these instructions: "write 'W' for White; 'Mex for Mexican [
7], but from 1940 to the latter part of the century the instructions were: Mexicans.-Report "white" (W) for Mexicans unless they are definitely of Indian or other nonwhite race. [
8]
During the
Great Depression, Mexicans were conveniently not considered White. Anywhere from one to two million people were deported in a decade-long effort by the government to free up jobs for those who were considered "real Americans" and rid the county governments of "the problem." The campaign, called the "Mexican Repatriation", was authorized by President
Herbert Hoover and it targeted areas with large Hispanic populations, mostly in California, Texas and Michigan. Although President
Franklin Roosevelt ended federal support when he took office, many state and local governments continued with their efforts. It left festering emotional wounds that for many have not healed. Estimates now indicate that approximately 60 percent of the people deported were children who were born in America and others who, while of Mexican descent, were legal citizens. Many of these people returned to the United States during the labor shortages of World War II.
In Mexico herself, mestizos are said to account for some 60% of the population, and together with the White population of Mexico (estimated at 9%) they constitute close to 70% of the country. Most of the rest of the population (estimated at 30%) is classified as Amerindian or predominantly Amerindian, and 1% other. Time will tell as it has for other nationalities that were once considered non-white, but are now White Americans.
North African and Middle Eastern Americans
North African and Middle Easterners are usually not included within the general structural concepts of White-American society. Various other countries account for them in non-White categories. In the USA, common non-governmental, colloquial and social understandings of "White" differ from the country's official government definition. The U.S. Census classification of North African and Middle Eastern Americans as White is largely in an American legal context.
According to the U.S. Census defintion however, North African and Middle Easterners are classified as White. U.S. federal agencies group all Middle Easterners and North Africans as White.
EEOC regulations explicitly define
White as "peoples of Europe, North Africa, or the Middle East," and the Census Bureau's decennial form offers no check-box for such a self-identity under the "race" question.
Most Egyptian Americans would not consider themselves as "White", so self-identification should be taken into account. A person who writes Egyptian in entries re. ethnic origin is automatically considered White. People who check "Other" and write Egyptian are still counted as White. Many forms specifically ask people of NA/ME descent to check White/Caucasian for "race". It's highly misleading and forces people to choose something they otherwise would not identify with. A Nubian-Egyptian man once sued the US government to have "White" removed from his immigration documents. By the same token, the US Census considers Egyptian and Berber Americans as "Arabs", even though most Berbers and many Egyptians would object to this classification quite as much.
In the American context, the common contention of excluding these largely Caucasoid groups of North Africa and the Middle East from the popular definition of "White" (as opposed to the official government definition) has been based on the argument of their disparate cultural, religious, linguistic heritage and ancestral origins. It has also been based on the argument that there is a significant sub-Saharan component in their populations [
9] — a long-spanning presence throughout the history of that largely contiguous region.
While it is undeniable that many people in
North Africa (
Morocco,
Algeria,
Egypt, etc) and the
Arabian Peninsula (
Saudi Arabia,
Yemen,
Oman, etc.) have enough black African ancestry or are dark enough — at times being as dark-complexioned as some African Americans — to be considered black by popular U.S. standards, some may also be lighter-complexioned by comparison, comparable to
Southern Europeans. And although some people of the
Levant (
Syria,
Lebanon,
Israel/
Palestine,
Jordan, etc.) may also be as dark as those found in North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula, some are lighter-complexioned. Finally, a tiny percentage throughout the Middle Eastern and North African region as a whole may even resemble
Northern Europeans.
See Haney-Lopez (1996) for a comprehensive list of U.S. Supreme Court decisions that repeatedly reversed prior U.S. Supreme Court decisions (back and forth many times) regarding whether or not Afghanis, Syrians, Asian Indians, and Arabians are White.
[ Ian F. Haney-Lopez, White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race (New York: New York University, 1996), Appendix "A".]Asian Americans
Legal contradictions exist in
United States Supreme Court rulings of "Whiteness" regarding Asian Americans. Compare
Takao Ozawa v. United States (1922) and
United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind (1923). In the first case, the court ruled that Takao Ozawa, of Japanese descent, was not White, despite the fact that he was of a pale "white" complexion. The court stated that in U.S. law,
anthropology overruled mere physical appearance (
pigmentation). In the latter case, the court ruled that Bhagat Singh Thind, of Indian descent, was not white despite the fact that he was anthropologically Causasian. The court in this instance stated that in U.S. law, physical appearance overruled anthropology.
East and Southeast Asian Americans
Nineteenth-century
Asian-American people of
East and
Southeast Asian origin were not considered White, though the label "
Honorary Whites" (a term that today could be considered condescending) was sometimes applied (primarily to the
Chinese). These Asian Americans have therefore always been termed and classified as Asian or as belonging to the "
Mongoloid race".
In
Jim Crow era Mississippi, however,
Chinese-American children were allowed to attend Whites-only schools and universities, rather than attend segregated Black-only schools, and some of their parents became members of the infamous Mississippi "White Citizens' Council" who enforced anti-Black racism and Black segregation.
[James W. Loewen, The Mississippi Chinese: Between Black and White (Cambridge MA, 1971); Warren (1997), 200-18, 209-11.]Asian Indian and South Asian Americans
In the early 20
th century, the largely
caucasoid people of
Asian Indian or other
Indian Sub-Continent origin were classified as racially "
Hindu"[
10]. Between
1950 to 1970, they were classified as White, until an Indian-American group protested to the
Office of Management and Budget to remove Indians from the White category, thus making Indian-Americans identify as racially "Asian Indian" in the U.S. Census. This regional group includes
Hindus,
Sikhs,
Muslims,
Indian Christians,
Indian Jews, and various others.
African Americans
Due to the
one-drop theory in the
United States, for the past century or so, English-speaking Americans with any known African ancestry, no matter how slight or invisible, have often been categorized as Black. As detailed above, however, those of
Hispanic,
Middle Eastern or
North African heritage are an exception, in that those who look European, or occasionally even those appearing mixed, are not labeled "Black" though they may have some sub-Saharan African ancestry, perhaps even acknowledging it.
The one-drop rule is historically recent. As mentioned above, before the 18th century, the terms "Black" and "White" did not designate groups. Before the Civil War, someone's "racial identity" depended on the combination of their appearance, African blood fraction, and social circle.
[See "Chapter 9. How the Law Decided if You Were Black or White: The Early 1800s" in Legal History of the Color Line: The Rise and Triumph of the One-Drop Rule by Frank W. Sweet, ISBN 0939479230. A summary of this chapter, with endnotes, is available online at | How the Law Decided if You Were Black or White: The Early 1800s.]Nevertheless, that the endogamous isolation of the African-American community has lasted for centuries is confirmed by DNA admixture studies. Many recent studies in genetics and molecular anthropology have shown that there is a surprisingly small degree of genetic overlap between members of the U.S. Black endogamous group and the U.S. White endogamous group. About one-third of all White Americans are found to have traces of African ancestry; they average about 23% African admixture.
[Although abstracts of most such peer-reviewed studies can be found in pubmed, a current index to recent admixture studies, along with full-text links, is available at: Various admixture studies.] Black Americans as a whole also have some European admixture, averaging about 17 percent.
[Heather E. Collins-Schramm and others, "Markers that Discriminate Between European and African Ancestry Show Limited Variation Within Africa," Human Genetics 111 (2002): 566-69.]Eventually, in the
United States, "black" came to denote African ancestry and "brown" became attributed to mixed-race Hispanics and
South Asian Americans (people of the
Indian subcontinent), though not much used. In
Australia, on the other hand, "Black" denotes
Aborigines and "Brown" came to denote South Asians and Middle Easterners/North Africans. See also
Wog.
Image:BlairL.jpg|Tony Blair, of English descent, is White by all countries' current government, colloquial and other defintions.Image:Lohanspeak.PNG|Lindsay Lohan, of Irish descent, is White by all countries' current government, colloquial and other defintions.Image:ViggoMortensen.jpg|Viggo Mortensen, of Danish descent, is White by all countries' current government, colloquial and other defintions.Image:Janette howard.jpg|Janette Howard, of Anglo-Celtic descent, is White by all countries' current government, colloquial and other defintions.Image:Joe Lieberman official portrait.jpg|Joe Lieberman, Jewish of Polish and Austrian descent, is White by all current countries' government and colloquial definitions. White Nationalists would exclude him due to his ethnicityImage:Moshe katsav israeli president.jpg|Moshe Katsav, Jewish of Iranian descent, would be White by official U.S. government definition due to his Jewish ethnic origin. Other governments', most colloquial, and other stricter definitions would exclude him due to his Jewish ethnicity and/or Iranian national origin.Image:Karla Jimenez.jpg|Karla Jiménez, Hispanic of Mexican descent, would be White by most countries' government, including official U.S., definition, as well as most colloquial definitions. Some colloquial and stricter definitions would exclude her due to her national originImage:Oscar De LaHoya8-26-04.jpg|Oscar de la Hoya, Hispanic of Mexican descent, is most likely White at least by official U.S. government definition. Colloquial and other stricter definitions exclude him based on his discernable mestizo descent and/or national origin.Image:Lalla zineb.jpg|Princess Lalla Zineb, Arab of Moroccan descent, would be White by U.S. government (due to her national origin) and most colloquial definitions. Other governments', few colloquial, and all stricter definitions would exclude her due to her Arab ethnicity and/or national origin.Image:Jamel Debbouze portrait.jpg|Jamel Debbouze, Arab of Moroccan descent, would be White by U.S. government (due to his national origin) and some colloquial definitions. Other governments', some colloquial, and all stricter definitions would exclude him due to his Arab ethnicity, and/or national origin, and/or possible degree of non-Caucasoid admixture.Image:Driss Jettou.jpg|Driss Jettou, Arab of Moroccan descent, would be White by official U.S. government definition (due to his national origin). Other governments', most colloquial and stricter definitions would exclude him due to his Arab ethnicity, and/or national origin, and/or discernable degree of non-Caucasoid admixture.Image:Zacarias Moussaoui2.jpg|Zacarias Moussaoui, Arab of Moroccan descent, is White by official U.S. government definition (due to his national origin). Other governments', all colloquial and all stricter definitions would exclude him based on either his Arab ethnicity, and/or national origin, and/or discernable degree of non-Caucasoid admixtureA common 19
th century European view categorized most White people as either
Semitic or
Aryan. The latter term was used as a synonym for
Indo-Europeans, who were conceived of as racially separate from Semitic peoples on the grounds that the two groups had distinct linguistic histories. This was thought to imply
separate ancestry, which was supposed to be visible in different cultural and physical traits. The term Aryan derived from Indo-European speaking peoples who occupied ancient
Iran and the
Indus valley, a fact that problematised its equation with the term "White". However, from c. 1880 some writers theorised that the earliest Aryans came from northern Europe. This led to the
Nazi claim that Aryans were identical with
Nordic peoples. Later 20
th century scholars were much more reluctant to assume coincidence between
linguistic and
genetic descent, since language can be easily passed to genetically unrelated populations.
In
Europe, the usage of the term "White" as a "racial indicator" had fallen out of use, considered obsolete if any. The terms of ethnicity and linguistics are widely employed for autochthonous peoples and immigrant communities alike.
While outside of the United States people of undiscernable African admixture are considered 'White' and those of slight African appearance are often called "coloured" or
mixed race — a blanket term for people of multiple racial heritage — in
Latin American countries even those of clearly visible partial African or Amerindian ancestry may be considered white. The individual, however, has to decide what, if any, race he/she is to be acknowledged by. Yet, while in all these countries there is a certain proportion of people that would at least appear to be of "unmixed" European ancestry, in places like the US they may be considered non-White.
Unlike in the United States, race in Latin America "refers mostly to skin color or physical appearance rather than to ancestry."
[Edward E. Telles, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Color in Brazil (2002), 1. ISBN 0691118663] "American orthodoxy is that a single drop of African blood inevitably darkens its host,"
[Eugene Robinson, Coal to Cream: A Black Man's Journey Beyond Color to an Affirmation of Race (1999), 26â€"27 ISBN 0684857227.] in Latin America "the problem is approached from the other end of the scale: A single drop of European blood is seen to inevitably whiten... A person with discernible African heritage is not necessarily immutably black."
[For detailed sources and citations, see "Chapter 6. Features of Today's Endogamous Color Line" in Legal History of the Color Line: The Rise and Triumph of the One-Drop Rule'' by Frank W. Sweet, ISBN 0939479230. A summary of this chapter, with endnotes, is available online at Features of Today's Endogamous Color Line.] Upward mobility, physical appearance and lighter skin colour allow for choice of an array of intermediate "categories". According to census takers' instructions in Brazil, "color" is explicitly defined as recording the subject's observed skin tone and has nothing to do with "race." Nevertheless, it has been shown that the same individual's perceived skin tone lightens and darkens on the Brazilian census depending on the rise and fall of his or her socioeconomic success.
["Racial Inequality in Brazil and the United States: A Statistical Comparison". Journal of Social History 26 (2): 229-63.]The strictest definition held by most
White nationalist groups around the world, whether
White separatists or
White supremacists, is that only those of total ancient ethnic indigenous European ancestry are 'White.'
White nationalists in the
United States often have a definition of "Whiteness" that is much more limited than the official
government definition of "Whiteness", in this case, requires not only an ancestry that is solely or overwhelmingly European, but also a psychological identification with the European ethnicity and a commitment to advance its interests. Under this definition, many peoples are excluded, such as
Jews and
Muslims, or more specifically,
European Jews and
European Muslims . Despite this "Whiteness" method used by White nationalists, as with many other racially-minded groups, the definitions still vary considerably.
Among some more exclusionist White nationalist groups, a serious ideological point is the bestowing of the "non-White" label upon ethnic European peoples of
Southern European and
Eastern European (
Slavic) descent. Growing numbers of White nationalist groups in the United States, however, have now accepted Southern Europeans and Eastern European peoples as White. This is demonstrated in the description for membership in White nationalist organizations such as the
National Alliance. The requirement for membership is that an individual be of "wholly European, non-Jewish ancestry."
On the other hand, some Southern Europeans, especially in
Greece, but also in
Italy and
Spain, consider Northern Europeans as second-class whites, or descendants of
barbarians, based on the perception that most civilizations associated with the white peoples were actually
Mediterranean.
There are also those who push the idea of a White Proto-European race, and use the Y-chromosome
haplogroup R1b as a guide to their ancestry. This genetic marker is associated with the earliest settlers of Europe who took refuge in
Iberia during the
Ice Age. Today, it's predominant in Western European populations, particularly in
Celtic areas of
Britain and in the
Iberian peninsula, especially in the
Basque country.
Ultimately, whether any individual considers any other individual as White (or not) often comes down to whether the person "looks White," however, whether someone "looks White" can become a very subjective judgement. Physical appearance is often cited as the reason for categorizing entire nations as non-White. For instance, the majority of residents in the
Arab world are dark-skinned enough to be classified as non-White by the standards of most Americans and Europeans, especially those originating from the
Arabian Peninsula,
North Africa, and above all
Sudan, where many inhabitants who are
ethnically Arab may be as dark-skinned and with obvertly "
Negroid" features as their so called 'Black African' neighbors who may not be ethnically Arab. On the other hand, some individuals of the same region may "look White", especially those originating from the
Levant and parts of the
Atlas Mountains. Historic black African genetic contribution in the peoples of the Middle East, however small or large, is also often cited as to their exclusion.
It is difficult to disentangle "social" from "physical" perceptions because the former depends upon the latter. How American attitudes changed over the centuries exemplifies this fact. As mentioned above, today Americans see German-Americans and Irish-Americans as physically White; otherwise they would be listed as "races" on the federal census.
Jews as an ethno-religious group are an in-between category, though leaning more towards a generalised "White" classification. A complicating factor is that most
Ashkenazi Jews (European Jews) more closely physically resemble other
Europeans than they do peoples of the
Middle East, while the reverse tends to be true regarding
Mizrahi Jews (Middle Eastern and North African Jews), however, over 90% of the US Jewish population is Ashkenazi. Even this binary analysis of Jews is overly simplistic, and it ignores various other
Jewish ethnic divisions (including
Ethiopian Jews,
Indian Jews, among many others).
The differences between social and physical definitions of
White can be explained as identification of
White with the dominant community or
in-group, as opposed to the
Other. In
medieval Europe,
Christendom was the community, and
pagans,
heretics,
Jews, and
Muslims were the outsiders, regardless of skin color. When the primacy of
religion was eroded by the
Protestant Reformation,
the Renaissance, and
secularism, separation of peoples based on religion shifted to concepts like
White and
civilized, although much of the earlier attitude remained, such as exclusion of peoples of different faiths. In the
United States,
White consciousness was first encouraged to help maintain a
caste system and control of labor; then in the early 20
th century as a result of
mass politics, the definition of
White was widened to include Southern and Eastern Europeans.
The current social climate in
the West (primarily in the United States) seeks to be nearly all-inclusive, which is an about-face from the social considerations of the 19
th and early 20
th centuries. This has prompted other groups to draw comparisons to the "
one drop rule".
The social vs. official perceptions of "White" is exemplified in the disparities between any given popular definition and the official parameters used in government definition in the same locale. As discussed for the
United States, non-European populations which are largely caucasoid, such as Middle Easterners and North Africans, are typically perceived to be non-White despite the fact that for the purposes of statistics, these non-Europeans are categorised as "White" by US government agencies and the
U.S. census. This official classification, however, is not based solely on
anthropology, since other largely caucasoid peoples, such as
South Asians, are not encompassed as "White" in either government or popular definitions.
Either way, governmental categorisation does not always lead to a sense of inclusion, as many may still be excluded from the general structural concepts of White-American society, and may even experience hostile rejection, particularly
Arabs in recent years, especially if
Muslim.
In
Australia, Middle Easterners and North Africans — are not categorised as
White, rather they are regarded as
racial minorities (
See: Wog). This latter understanding of the term in Australia has little to do with
White supremacist exclusionism, but rather a traditional, narrower definition of
White which has never encompassed Middle Easterners or North Africans; and which, unlike the definition of
"White" in the United States, has not undergone continuous alterations to include an increasing number of people.
The broad usage of "White" is sometimes criticized by those who argue that it de-
ethnicizes various groups, although the same charge is not leveled at the question of ethnic diversity within blacks. During the era of
Jim Crow Laws in the
Southern United States, facilities were commonly divided into separate sections for White and "
Colored" people. These terms were defined by White people, with White people classifying themselves as White and non-White people being classified as "colored".
There is sometimes controversy as to the difference between "light-skinned" as opposed to "White". The term "White" is a misnomer, as almost all people (regardless of race and origin) have pigmentation that makes their skin a color other than white, such as shades of brown or pink. It has been noted that the mixed descendants of light-skinned Arabs (like
Ralph Nader) and other multi-racial individuals (like
Keanu Reeves and
Dean Cain) have been accepted as White by most Americans. In non-western countries, the terms white and light-skinned are sometimes used interchangeably.
The uniquely pale complexion and melanin-deficient hair common to Nordic adults is often considered the hallmark of those seen as White. This phenomenon's
cline is densest within a few hundred miles of the Baltic Sea and, unlike other European skin-tone distributions, is independent of latitude (the natives of lands at higher latitudes than the Baltic are invariably darker than Nordics, for instance
Eskimos). See
Human skin color for an overall explanation of skin-tone distribution. See
The Paleo-Etiology of Human Skin Tone for an explanation of the paleness of Nordics and the lack of variation in Native Americans. Genetic research shows that important areas around the
Baltic and
Scandinavia indicate a high genetic flow stemming from
Asia. See
Haplogroup N (Y-DNA).
Since the era of European expansion, and especially since the 19
th century, most Europeans have come to see most other Europeans as White. Hence, one could say that the indigenous habitat of White people is Europe. Nowadays, countries with a majority of ethnic Europeans include all the nations of
Europe, as well as some of the countries colonized by them through the 15
th century to 19
th century, such as the
United States,
Canada, the
Russian Far East,
Siberia,
Australia, and
New Zealand. In those nations, the
indigenous populations were overwhelmed by White colonists from European
nations.
As for
Latin America, the only two countries whose population is composed by an undisputed majority of unmixed — or apparently unmixed — European descendants are
Argentina and
Uruguay. Both countries' populations are deemed to posess a white majority. In fact, according to the CIA World Fact Book, whites make up 93% and 88% of the population respectively, a percentage that is much higher than is the US. The southern region of
Brazil also has a large White majority (85%), however, in the entire country Whites are estimated to make up 53.7% of the population. Although the latter figure would also constitute a White majority (ie. >50%) in Brazil, the figure may be considered inflated due to the
above discussed socially fluid concept of race and racial identity in Latin America. Prior to
1959,
Cuba had a majority white population of over 70%. Today, depending on the source, whites are said to constitute 37% to 65% of the population, with the remaining population being composed largely of mulattos. The majority of
Cuban exiles are or consider themselves to be white. Additionally, while
Chile and
Costa Rica posses
mestizo (mixed European and Amerindian) majorities, both countries are also quite European in that it is not uncommon for the admixture in many of their mestizos to lean more towards the European element (see also
castizo). Many of these would simply identify as White, and up to 30% of Chile is deemed to be White. Various other
Latin American countries also possess sizable White minorities, ranging between 10 and 20% of their populations, typically amidst mestizo or mulatto majorities.
There is a significant European-descended minority in
South Africa, and smaller ones in
Namibia,
Zimbabwe, and other former European colonies in Africa.
*
Caucasoid *
Caucasian race *
Caucasian-American *
Human skin color *
Race and Intelligence *
Whiteness studies*
White American*
European American*
Legally white Precedents of legal opinions and judgments authored by US courts in
whiteness cases filed by non-Europeans
*
Not Quite White: Race Classification and the Arab American Experience, by the Arab American Institute
*
Scientists Find DNA Change That Accounts for White Skin* Thomas A. Guglielmo,
White on Arrival: Italians, Race, Color, and Power in Chicago, 1890-1945, 2003, ISBN 0195155432
* Matthew Frye Jacobson,
Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race, Harvard, 1999, ISBN 0674951913.
* Frank W. Sweet,
Legal History of the Color Line: The Rise and Triumph of the One-Drop Rule, Backintyme, 2005, ISBN 0939479230.
* Noel Ignatiev,
How the Irish Became White, Routledge, 1996, ISBN 0415918251.
* Karen Brodkin,
How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says About Race in America, Rutgers, 1999, ISBN 081352590X.
*Neil Foley,
The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997)
*Theodore Allen,
The Invention of the White Race, 2 vols. (London: Verso, 1994)
*Thomas F. Gossett,
Race: The History of an Idea in America, New ed. (New York: Oxford University, 1997)
*Ivan Hannaford,
Race: The History of an Idea in the West (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University, 1996)
*Audrey Smedley,
Race in North America: Origin and Evolution of a Worldview, 2nd ed. (Boulder: Westview, 1999).
* "The United Independent Compensatory Code/System/Concept" A textbook/workbook for thought, speech and/or action for victims of racism (White supremacy) Neely Fuller Jr. 1984